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                    <text>NEWS

April 8, 2019
mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

5

McGill
“Change the Name” Movement Recap
McGill Students Await Principal’s Decision
Justine Coutu
The McGill Daily

S

tudents are still waiting
on a final verdict from the
administration
regarding
a potential change to the men’s
varsity team name. In an email sent
to students in January, Principal
Suzanne Fortier stated that she
would communicate her decision
by the end of this term. She has yet
to release a decision.
“I honestly am very optimistic
that it will be changed within
the next month. In any other
circumstances I wouldn’t believe
this to be true, but I really do
think that we’ve crossed our t’s
and dotted our i’s here,” explains
Tomas Jirousek, a varsity athlete,
SSMU’s current Indigenous Affairs
Commissioner, and a major figure
behind the Change the Name
Movement. “I think this current
manifestation
of
Indigenous
students pushing on the R*dmen
name is one of the best shots we’ve
taken at changing it in quite a
while,” he added.

The
Change
the
Name
movement
has
received
overwhelming support from the
McGill community during this
academic year. On October 31,
hundreds of students supporting
the #ChangeTheName campaign
participated in a demonstration in
front of the James Administration
building. During the 2018 SSMU
Fall Referendum, 80 per cent of
students said they were in favour
of renaming the men’s varsity
teams. More recently, a large
banner that read “Change the
Name” was hung from the roof of
Leacock before being removed by
security in a matter of minutes.
“The type of support we’ve
received really shows how powerful
we can be as a community when
we stand together,” says Jirousek.
The banner drop took place during
the voting period for the proposed
Athletics Facility Improvement Fee, a
fee to which the Indigenous Student
Alliance, and other equity groups on
campus, are strongly opposed to.
The
Athletics
Facility
Improvement Fee, included in the

Winter 2019 SSMU referendum,
asked if students are willing to
continue paying ten dollars per
semester for Athletics Facility
Improvement, justifying the fee by
arguing that “athletics and recreation
is an integral part of student life on
campus.” The NO campaign pointed
out that “the approval of the Athletics
Facility Improvement Fee would
only enable McGill athletics and
further limit Indigenous students
from using facilities which are meant
to be open and accessible to all
McGill students.” Fifty-eight per cent
of students voted “No,” 42 “Yes,” and
20.7 per cent abstained.
“Part of the reason why I pushed
so hard for this ‘No’ vote was because
I don’t think it’s fair or appropriate
that Indigenous students are left out
in the cold while the other students
move forward without us. If we
are going to invest in renovating
and fixing the athletics facilities
it should be done in a way that’s
equitable, in a way that’s open to all
students,” explained Jirousek.
At the March 28 meeting of
SSMU Legislative Council, former

VP External Conor Spencer read
a statement on behalf of Tomas
Jirousek, and Christelle Tessono,
president of the Black Students’
Network. The statement explains
that by letting this question be a

support they have gathered on
campus, Change the Name leaders
recognize that the increasing
awareness surrounding the need for
reconciliation at a larger scale has
given them precious momentum.

“If we are going to invest in
renovating and fixing the athletics
facilities it should be done in a way
that’s equitable, in a way that’s open
to all students.”
— Thomas Jirousek
part of the winter referendum,
SSMU has failed “in its mandate
to stand as an ally with Indigenous
students at McGill.” By including the
question, SSMU failed to realize that
“McGill athletics complexes exist as
physically hostile environments for
Indigenous students […] [the racism
of the R*dmen name] is physically
manifested in these athletic facilities.”
“Reconciliation
sometimes
requires
sacrifice,”
Spencer
concluded. While they attribute most
of their success to the widespread

“Voices are starting to come
out. In recent years, we’ve seen
Indigenous voices really coming
through in the media. It’s a time
when we had the right people in
the right place. You had a team
of students that were really
passionate about it and they
saw an opportunity, in this day
and age where we can actually
talk about these things,” points
out co-chair of the Indigenous
Students Alliance and varsity
athlete Vanessa Racine.

QPIRG Annual General Meeting
Or: A Star Trek Retirement Party
Kelsey McKeon
The McGill Daily

T

he Quebec Public Interest
Research Group (QPIRG) held
their annual general meeting
(AGM) last Thursday, April 4.
QPIRG is a non-profit, student-run
organization committed to social
and environmental justice through
campus and community activism.
QPIRG’s main vehicle of activism
is its educational programs, such
as Social Justice Days, as well as
initiatives providing funding to
various working groups. The AGM
provides a space for these various
working groups to come together
and discuss projects they worked
on during the previous year. The
Star Trek retirement party-themed
meeting, held in Leacock 232,
began by adopting the agenda and
approving last year’s AGM minutes.
Becca Yu, QPIRG’s Finance
Coordinator, then presented the
organization’s financial reports.

The organization ended the 20172018 year with a larger surplus
than the year before, largely due
to the third full-time staff position
remaining unfilled for a short
period of time, as well as lower
working group spending. With
this surplus, the organization
bought a camera, a projector, and
laptops for staff members and
working groups to use.
QPIRG staff members then
proceeded to give their reports.
Staff updated attendees on School
Schmool as well as QPIRG’s
Popular Education Event Series,
which includes Culture Shock
and Social Justice Days.
Coordinators of Rad Frosh
reflected on their alternative to
SSMU’s Frosh that took place
in September. This year’s Rad
Frosh theme was “We’ve got the
beat,” which the coordinators
described
as
an
attempt
to “archive the reciprocal
relationship of social justice and

political activism of the ‘80s in
relation to the present.” Rad
Frosh took place in September
and offered 152 participants
events such as radical campus
tours, Queer prom, a DIY fair,
and benefit concerts hosted by
BIPOC artists. According to staff
members, it was highly attended
and a very successful event.
Other presentations included
the
organization’s
outreach
report and the summer stipend
report, which was awarded to
the Third Eye Collective this past
summer to construct a zine with
resources for sexual and genderbased violence. After updates
from the library coordinator,
the
Community
University
Research Exchange (CURE), and
the Prisoner Correspondence
Project, the meeting moved to
board reports.
The Board of Directors, the
radical
research
committee,
the policy committee, and the

accessibility
committee
all
presented brief updates from the
past year. Their biggest challenge
for the year was reaching quorum
and disseminating information
between board members for
time-sensitive issues.
The meeting then moved to
elections for student members
and community spots on the
Board of Directors, as well
as elections for the Conflict
Resolution
and
Complaints
Committee (CRCC). Everyone
who ran for the positions was
elected; this includes nine
students elected as student
representatives to the Board of
Directors, two individuals elected
as community representatives to
the Board, and two individuals
elected to the CRCC.
Finally, all of QPIRG’s working
groups in attendance gave their
annual reports. A great deal of
QPIRG’s mandate is carried out
through working groups, who

operate
autonomously
from
QPIRG, but receive funding and
resources from QPIRG. This
past year, QPIRG supported 18
working groups, all of which
centre their research and action
around social and environmental
issues.
Working
groups
include Food against Fascism,
Independent
Jewish
Voice,
McGill Students in Solidarity
for Palestinian Human Rights,
Women from the Committee of
Women of Diverse Origins, Black
Indigenous Harm Reduction
Alliance,
Solidarity
Across
Borders, and STAND for Prison
Justice, among others.
The AGM allowed QPIRG and
its working groups to report to its
members on the work they have
done over the year. For attendees,
it was a reminder of all the various
organizations that exist on campus
and in the community, and what
students can look forward to for
the upcoming year.

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«Black Lives Matter»: le combat continue

Retour sur un des mouvements sociaux les plus inﬂuents contre le proﬁlage racial.
éléonore berne
«#Black Lives Matter»: vous
en avez sûrement déjà entendu
parlé. Ce «mot-clic» se traduit
par «les vies noires comptent»
en français. Il fait référence au
mouvement militant américain
qui se bat contre la discrimination des Afro-Américains par
les policiers. Pour l’année 2016,
700 personnes ont été tuées par
la police américaine. Parmi les
victimes, il y a 173 Noirs contre
324 Blancs. Seulement, ces chiffres sont disproportionnés par
rapport aux pourcentages que
ces groupes représentent dans la
population américaine: les Blancs
forment 64 pourcents de cette
société contre seulement 13%
d’Afro-Américains: ils représentent une minorité de la population
et ce chi re laisse penser qu’ils
sont plus victimes de la brutalité
policière. C’est d’ailleurs après
le tristement célèbre décès de
l’Afro-Américain Martin Trayvon
que le mouvement militant «Black
Lives Matter» (BLM, ndlr) a vu le
jour, dans le but de lutter contre le
proﬁlage racial.
Du hashtag à la manifestation
L’a aire remonte à février 2012, lorsque Georges
Zimmerman, un agent de surveillance de voisinage, tire un
coup de feu mortel sur le jeune
afro-américain Martin. Lors de
son procès, le policier invoque la
légitime défense et est acquitté.
Cela déclenche une indignation
et une prise de conscience d’un
problème racial dans la communauté Afro-Américaine aux
États-Unis. C’est alors que «Black
Lives Matter» est o ciellement
créé le 13 juillet 2013 par Alicia
Garza, Opal Tometi et Patrisse
Cullors. Elles écrivent un billet de
soutien à la communauté Noire
sur Facebook en utilisant le hashtag «les vies noires comptent»,
qui sera repris sur de nombreux
réseaux sociaux. Après cela, elles
décident d’en faire un mouvement
et commencent à organiser des
manifestations. La popularité du
groupe est donc due en grande
partie aux réseaux sociaux, qui
permettent d’atteindre un large
public de tout horizon.
Depuis 2013, trois a aires
– parmi tant d’autres – sont devenues emblématiques. La mort
d’Eric Garner à New-York, celle
de Michael Brown à Ferguson et
celle de Freddie Gray à Baltimore
ont tour à tour contribué à l’expansion du mouvement. Les trois
hommes étaient d’origine afroaméricaine et étaient non armés
lors de leur arrestation. De même,
la quasi-totalité des agents de
police impliqués dans leurs décès
a été acquittée, accentuant l’oppression et la colère ressentie par
la communauté Afro-Américaine.

10

société

Face à l’injustice que la minorité
subit, BLM organise des rassemblements qui attirent de plus en
plus de personnes, notamment
des jeunes. Ils représentent ainsi
le combat de la nouvelle génération antiraciste contre la violence
policière et le proﬁlage dont les
Noirs se considèrent victimes.
Ils défendent également les intérêts des mouvements féministes,
altermondialistes et de la communauté LGBT.
Un problème toujours d’actualité
Mardi dernier, le 20 septembre 2016, l’afro-américain Keith
Lamont Scott a été abattu par un
policier à Charlotte. Pour se justiﬁer, les forces policières ont a rmé que Scott était en possession
d’une arme et qu’il représentait
un danger, ce que sa famille a nié.
Depuis, de violentes manifestations ont lieu à Charlotte, qui ont
causé l’arrestation d’une quarantaine de personnes.
Ces altercations entre la
police et les minorités ethniques
ne sont pas limitées au continent
américain. Le 29 juillet 2016,
une a aire similaire a eu lieu
dans le Val-D’Oise, en France.
Adama Traoré, un jeune français
d’origine malienne, est décédé à
la suite d’un contrôle de papiers
qui a mal tourné. Les proches de
la victime sont convaincus de la
culpabilité des policiers, mais
jusqu’ici, la justice française ne

leur a pas donné raison. Dans les
jours qui ont suivis, plusieurs
manifestations ont eu lieu en
mémoire de Traoré à Paris. Ce
sont les premiers rassemblements
«Black Lives Matter France»,
directement inspirés du groupe
américain et formés par des associations antiracistes françaises.
Ceci montre le retentissement et
l’impact mondial du mouvement
originel. Issu des États-Unis, sa
notoriété est donc un moyen de
susciter l’attention des autorités
locales dans d’autres pays, comme
en France par exemple.
Un mouvement parfois critiqué
«Black Lives Matter» est un
mouvement activiste controversé.
Il est notamment critiqué pour
son slogan «les vies noires comptent». Les conservateurs américains le perçoivent comme un encouragement à la division raciale.
Le 7 juillet 2016, pendant une protestation contre la mort de deux
Afro-Américains, cinq policiers
ont été tués. Le tireur, un ancien
soldat de l’armée américaine, voulait «tuer des blancs» pour venger
les victimes. BLM a tout de suite
condamné l’acte et rappelé que
c’était un acte isolé pour éviter
tout amalgame entre le criminel
et le mouvement. Cependant, pour
les Républicains, cet incident
prouve que le mouvement a une
responsabilité dans l’incitation
de la haine envers les Blancs et les

policiers. «Black Lives Matter» se
dit être un mouvement paciﬁste,
mais il arrive parfois qu’il y ait
de la violence lors des manifestations. Toutefois, peut-on blâmer
le mouvement pour les situations
qui peuvent parfois dégénérer
lors des manifestations? Quel
est le lien entre ce mouvement
paciﬁste et les groupes plus extrémistes qui arrivent à s’immiscer
au sein de ses manifestations?
Parallèlement, certaines person-

28% des Américains blancs, tout
parti politique confondu, se disent contre ce mouvement.
BLM: une prise de conscience
internationale
«Black Lives Matter» fait
désormais partie des mouvements les plus influents de notre
époque, non seulement sur le
continent nord-américain mais
également en Europe comme

BLM a permis une prise de conscience
internationale sur un problème social
jugé comme étant le plus important aux
États-Unis par 13% des Américains.
nalités politiques ont ouvertement accusé le groupe de racisme,
dont l’ancien maire de New-York,
Rudy Giuliani: «Quand les gens
disent que les vies des Noirs comptent (Black Lives Matter, ndlr),
c’est fondamentalement raciste.
Les vies des Noirs comptent. Les
vies des Blancs comptent. Les vies
des Asiatiques comptent. Les vies
des Hispaniques comptent. C’est
anti-américain et c’est raciste.»
Les opposants au mouvement
seraient aussi plus nombreux
chez le parti des Républicains aux
États-Unis, car les idéaux du mouvement seraient plus alignés avec
ceux des Démocrates. Par ailleurs,

nous avons pu le voir avec l’affaire d’Adama Traoré. Internet et les
réseaux sociaux – principalement
Facebook et Twitter – ont permis
au mouvement de s’exporter
plus rapidement dans d’autres
pays. BLM a permis une prise de
conscience internationale par
rapport à un problème social
jugé comme étant le plus important aux États-Unis par 13% des
Américains. Ce mouvement issu
de la société civile est désormais
un symbole de la lutte contre la
discrimination et le profilage racial. Mais plus encore, il incarne
les évolutions de notre société
vers le haut. x

vittorio pessin

le délit · mardi 27 septembre 2016 · delitfrancais.com

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                    <text>News

The McGill Daily, Thursday, February 18, 2010

criticizing southern U.S. states for failing to uphold a Supreme Court
decision to integrate schools. Author Henry Golden discusses the
harm segregation has caused to both black and white Southerners, and
argues that segregation has degraded Southern culture.

February 1961 After a McGill fraternity is accused of discrimation against
a Jamaican student, The Daily publishes a feature titled “Segregation at
McGill - Yes or No?” that “is not presented with the intention of taking
sides, which our readers will do for themselves.” A few weeks later, an opinion piece in the paper claims that fraternities have the right to refuse a student membership on the basis of race, religion, and nationality. The author
equates such a right to the NAACP’s right to bar a white supremacist from
joining the organization.

—compiled by Emilio Comay del Junco and Stephen Davis

October 1962 Daily writer Jerald M. Cohen visits the southern U.S.,
and unpacks the mindset and hypocrisy of segregation. He writes:
“The older man spoke highly of the abilities of Negro students to
enter the best universities. He seemed a reasonable, moderate man.
But one of the last things he said to us was: ‘If the federal government
tried to integrate the schools in this town, I’d be the first to go out and
burn down a church.’”
February 1969 Concordia students claim a professor is failing black
students without just cause. Police intervene and things turn violent
when protesters occupy the university’s computer centre. Student
records are destroyed and computers are thrown from the building’s
windows.

September 1970 McGill students organized a Black Students’
Association for the University, in response to lack of accessibility and
administrative indifference. The organization’s chair, Sally Cools,
summed up the feelings shared by many black students: “We’re being
fucked around left, right, and centre at McGill.”

October 1962 Daily news coverage of demonstrations against the
desegregation of the University of Mississippi is accompanied by a text
encouraging support for American civil rights: “It is essential that students across the continent clearly express their stand. It is a responsibility which attaches to us as students.”
October 1965 Coverage of a talk on Rhodesia questions the possibility of human rights while the right to vote is limited to whites, despite
the election of a more moderate government. “Where, from the new
Labour administration is the long awaited ‘firm stand’ against the continuation of racism and robbery in this oppressed land?”

October 1969 The Daily reports on disruptions of an African Studies
program conference by 10 students calling themselves the Black Caucus,
claiming that the conference should discuss racism in Montreal. After
various letters in The Daily, two writers publish a page-long response
entitled “Disruption as a means of self-determination for black people.”

December 1971 A noted supporter of trade with South Africa is slated
to appear on the TV program Under Attack. One hundred students
disrupt the taping and stop the program from going forward. William
Kunstler, a U.S. lawyer who has defended Angela Davis, comes out in
favour of the students. “Everyone has the right to speak, but others
have the right to prevent him if they find his views intolerable,” he
says.
January 1972 Len Bently, president of the Sir George Williams

draw their accounts from the Bank of Montreal (BMO) because of
its involvement with the South African apartheid government, while
McGill and SSMU continue to deal bank with BMO. McGill does not
divest from South African investments until 1985.

September 1986 Ten months after voting to divest, McGill is discovered to have acquired stocks in companies tied to the South
African regime. The Daily reports that the University’s South African
investments have only decreased by 20 per cent.

February 1987 The Daily polls black students’ attitudes towards
apartheid, revealing that while 84 per cent believe “divestment should
be a dominant issue in the West,” only 22.5 per cent describe their participation in anti-apartheid activities as “significant.” The poll comes
a week following prime minister Brian Mulroney’s visit to white-ruled
South Africa.

February 2000 To solicit Valentine’s classifieds, the McGill Tribune
runs a cartoon of white male birds trying to impress nearby females,
who are distracted by an attractive black crow. The white males
remark, “[Females are] easily impressed by spades,” a derogatory
term for black people. The BSN’s political coordinator says “Clearly
there is nobody with any racial sensitivity working at the Tribune.”

November 2000 SSMU rejects the Black Student Network’s (BSN)
proposed constitution, calling it “inflammatory” and “exclusionary.”
The preamble to the constitution refers to James McGill as a slaveowner and describes the socioeconomic disadvantages facing blacks
today. The BSN calls for SSMU to receive racial sensitivity training,
though the Society maintains that the rejection was based on policy,
and not politics.

January 1984 SSMU president Bruce Hicks emerges as a leader for
divestment, delivering a 95-point motion to the Board of Governors
on South African human rights violations. He is later criticized for
not consulting the South Africa Committee, a student group pushing
for divestment. Hicks forms his own organization, the South Africa
Advisory Group, but admits that some members do not know who
Nelson Mandela is.

January 1987 In a comment piece, social worker Alix Jean tells the
Daily about racial profiling by Montreal police officers. “You meet any
black person you see on the street and three out of five would be able
to tell you of at least one incident where they had been harassed by
the police.”

November 1999 Stickers appear on campus claiming that blacks and
bisexuals are more likely than other groups to be infected with AIDS.
The stickers are produced by a white supremacy organization and refer
to white people as an “endangered species.” The BSN calls for a comprehensive, campus-wide response, but McGill’s director of security
claims, “The fact is we can’t really do anything.”
Illustrations by Jerry Gu | The McGill Daily

November 1978 Dawson College’s board of governors votes to with-

University Students’ Association, accuses the administration of racism
after the board of governors dissolves the union. “Today, the principal
views a black student as a potential threat to the welfare and good
name of this university,” he says.

News Briefs

A half-century of
black issues
at McGill,
in Montreal,
and in Canada

October 1958 The Daily prints a feature from the magazine Justice

5

Vancouver demonstrators
demand public housing
Over 1,000 protesters
marched in Vancouver
Friday, demanding that
indigenous land claims be
respected, and that the
government put an end to
homelessness. Subsequent
protests have resulted in
vandalized cars and broken
windows.
—CBC
Ivorians protest suspension
of elections
Ivory Coast president
Laurent Gbagbo moved
to dissolve the country’s
government and suspend upcoming elections
recently, sparking widespread protests and rioting. Opposition parties in
Ivory Coast have called the
development a step toward
dictatorship.
— Al-Jazeera
Twelve civilians dead in
Afghanistan
NATO forces admitted that they erroneously
bombed a civilian target
Sunday, killing 12 people.
The bombing took place as
part of NATO’s ramped-up
efforts to dislodge Taliban
forces from the city of
Marjah in Helmand province.
— The Globe and Mail
Human rights disappearing
in Honduras
Reports of widespread
human rights abuses
continue to emerge from
Honduras, following last
summer’s coup there. Anticoup activists have been
shot, abducted, and beaten,
while overthrown former
president Manuel Zelaya
remains in exile.
— Democracy Now!
UK politician experienced
close encounter
Britain’s ministry of
defence released a report
Wednesday stating that the
Royal Air Force investigated
claims from six members
of the public that UFOs visited former Tory opposition
leader Michael Howard’s
home in 1997. Witnesses saw
the craft hover in the sky
for several minutes before
shooting off in a flash of
light, according to the
report.
— The Guardian
Texas prisoners launch
hunger strike
Inmates at Los Fresnos,
an immigrant detention
centre in Texas, have commenced a hunger strike to
protest the prison’s “inhumane conditions.” Earlier
reports have stated that the
prisoners have demanded
medical attention for
months, and do not believe
that due process is being
followed in their cases.
— Democracy Now!

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                    <text>11/6/21, 12:25 AM

A Program to “Confront Systemic Racism” at McGill - The McGill Daily

The McGill Daily
LING 210 dropouts since 1911

A Program to “Confront Systemic Racism” at McGill
McGill Releases New Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion Plan
by Abigail Popple / September 14, 2020
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During the Spring 2020 semester, McGill’s Senate and Board of Governors released the
university’s first Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion Plan (EDI Plan). According to an email that
Principal Suzanne Fortier sent to the student body on June 12, 2020, the plan aims to “confront
systemic racism” at McGill by researching the University’s ties to slavery, providing more
support for Black students, and working towards creating a more diverse and representative
faculty and student body. These measures come after years of student concerns regarding the
equity of the university – a SSMU hiring equity report from 2016 noted that the University has
not changed its Employment Equity Policy since 2007, and that this equity policy has
“produced few results” since being passed.
However, Associate Provost of Equity and Academic Policies Angela Campbell maintains that
the university has addressed equity complaints, citing reports such as The Report of the
Working Group on the Principles of Renaming and Commemoration and McGill’s Canada
Research Chair EDI Plan, among others, in an email to the Daily. Renee Corbiere, a member of
the Indigenous Student Alliance (ISA), expressed concern over Campbell’s comments: “It was
only after tumultuous efforts, protests and petitions that McGill made any indication they
would be willing to change the name… McGill has already made it clear on which side they
stand regarding harmful iconography.” Corbiere also pointed out that task forces and studies
are not productive unless their recommendations are implemented. Aina Louisa-Carter, Vice
President Social for the Black Students’ Network (BSN), told the Daily that university
administrators have historically been “weak in their attempts” to address the concerns of Black
students, though not completely unresponsive.
The EDI Plan includes a mandate to “[r]eflect diverse identities” through iconography on
campus,” but it remains unclear if these efforts will include the removal of the statue of James
McGill. Many students have been advocating for the removal of said statue, with the Take
James McGill Down open letter  having garnered over 1,000 individual signatures. According to
Media Relations Officer Frédérique Mazerolle, the removal of the statue is “under
consideration” as the University continues to work on the “Plan to Address Anti-Black Racism,”
https://www.mcgilldaily.com/2020/09/a-program-to-confront-systemic-racism-at-mcgill/

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�11/6/21, 12:25 AM

A Program to “Confront Systemic Racism” at McGill - The McGill Daily

to be released on September 30. Campbell also emphasized that the forthcoming plan would
take demands from the BSN into account, and that the University has familiarized themselves
with the demands of the Take James McGill Down movement. While she said that “there won’t
be… an ability to meet all of the demands” of the movement, Campbell stressed that the
demands of the BSN would be “centered” when working on the “Plan to Address Anti-Black
Racism.”
Louisa-Carter said that consultations with McGill’s administration “appear to be going well,”
and she is hopeful that slow progress will be made if the University continues to work with
student organizations. Corbiere expressed similar sentiments, writing that the plan has “great
potential,” but will only succeed if the university continues to work with the student body and
is genuinely invested in making McGill more equitable.
In addition to working with student organizations, the University has recruited two
postdoctoral fellows to conduct research into the university’s historical connections to slavery
and colonialism. According to Campbell, these fellows were recruited in order to “nourish their
own research” as well as to “animate a series of actions and initiatives” that will be included in
the forthcoming Plan to Address Anti-Black Racism; she did not specify whether the university
will create more permanent research initiatives, nor how the university will use the research
generated in the future. Previously, research on McGill’s connections to slavery had been
conducted by former McGill professor Charmaine Nelson and her students in her Art History
course James McGill was a Slave Owner: Slavery and the History of Universities. Campbell
claimed that Nelson’s research will be taken into account in the formulation of the Plan to
Address Anti-Black Racism. While this plan has not yet been released, and it is unclear how it
will be implemented, the Daily intends to follow the story.

Additional reporting provided by Willa Holt.

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                    <text>• NEWS -i .. ... . -- ... .... --. -. --.

WEDNESDAY, APRIL 13, 1994

.. .

A racial harassment policy for McCiill?
Indisputable evidence presented at hearing
BY RoBIN PERELLE

In an attempt to sensitize McGill's
administration to the existence of
racism on campus, the Subcommittee on Racial Discrimination
held a hearing on April 7 to gather
evidence of harassment incidents.
The Subcommittee, created in
January by the Joint Senate/Board
Committee on Equity at McGill,
originally solicited written submissions on the problem but soon decided that an open forum would be
much more effective. Ultimately,
the Subcommittee hopes to demonstrate that an official policy on
racial harassment is desperately
needed at McGill.
Astrid Jacques testified that she
was very surprised to find the uni- ffi
versity doesn't already have such a
policy, especially since several
CEGEPsin theMontrcalareado.In
fact, McGill is one of the only univcrsities in Canada without a policy 0
on racial harassment.
'Ibatdoesn'tmean thatwearestud- Subcommittee on Racial Discrimination at the April7 hearing
ying in a racism-free environment.
On the contrary, at least four- scribed on April 7 involved profesJacques echoed the same comteen students cam l' forward to share sors from almost every faculty, res- plaint pertaining to the African
their encounters 1·, ith racial harass- idence administrators, and even Studies program which has hired
ment on campus.
some of the doctors at McGill's no teachers of African descent.
"The ugliness of racism rears its health centre.
There were also complaints
head quietly at McGill," said Tracey
"I really feel like a minority in about the University failing to disSolomon, a fourth ,'Car science stu- the faculty of Law," said Francine cipline professors accused of makdent. "There arc no cries of'niggcr' Willis, as she pointed out that only ing racially insensitive comments
or 'Paki', no swastikas painted on six black students are presently en- in class and showing offensive films
building walls. However, it would rolled in a faculty of approximately promoting stereotypical images.
be wrong and perhaps even danger- 300. She said the feeling of isolation
In fact, many students expressed
ous to assume that racism does not was further enhanced by the com- dissatisfaction \vith the curriculum
exist," she testified.
plete lack of professors of colour and materials used, calling McGill
Indeed, the experiences de- teaching law at McGill.
an Anglo-Saxon Eurocentric insti-

PGSS quits President's Council
Forms new umbrella organization
anything they have to say," Crowley
said. "We tried to politicize it this
The Post-Graduate Students' year, but we found out we were
Society (PGSS) has decided to pull wasting our time."
PGSS is instead forming an umout of the President's Council, after
attempts to make the body more brella organization with MacDonpolitical have failed. The informal ald College Students' Society
body, which draws together the (MCSS), McGill Association for
presidents of all faculty student as- Continuing Education Students
sociations, meets regularly to com- (MACES), and the Students' Sociemunicate on issues affecting their ty of McGill University (SSMU),
constituencies. It is also an impor- which together represent all stutant caucus for student representa- dentsat McGill University. The new
body, whose tentative name is the
tives in Student Services.
Questions have been raised on McGill Student Council, may also
all sides whether the President's include the Engineering and ManCouncil is fulfilling its roles and agement faculty associations.
what those roles exactly are.
PGSS felt that in the past the
In this new association, tuition
President's Council has spent too
much time discussing social events. fees and other issues of concern to
PatrickCrowley, theoutgoingPGSS all McGill students will be discussed.
SSMU has decided to participate
president, also objects to the InterFraternity Council (IF C) president in both organizations. They want to
sitting on the council. The IFC, an increase communications between
off-campus organisation which is SSMU and faculty associations
not recognized by the Students' through the President's Council and
Society, is an anomaly on the Pres- also discuss prominent student issues with the other associations in
idents' Council.
"They are just interested in or- the new umbrella group.
Mark Luz, outgoing president of
ganizing parties. I don't wish to hear
BY ALEX MATHIAS

thcSSMU,hopes the PGSSwill continue on the President's Council.
"PGSS came out of its shell this
year. They are asserting themselves
as a student organization. It is important for this society to have dose
ties with all the faculties, as well as
speak on broader political issues
that concern McGill."
Luz said that the President's
Council has "lots of potential, but
never had a focus." He is hoping
this will change for next year.
Engineering Undergraduate Society(EUS) hasnotyet made a decision whether or not to pull out of
the President's Council. They arc
waiting to see what comes of this
umbrella organization.
William Phillipson, this year's
EUS president, said that the President's Council "grew a heck of a lot
this year, but it still needs a lot of
work."
Unlike Crowley, he does sec value in having IFC on the Council.
Phillipson's position is that fraternities represent one facet of student
life, and their opinions should therefore be valued.

"The ugliness of
racism rears its
head quietly at
McGill. There are
no ,· . . ies of'nigger'
or
no
swastikas painted
on building walls.
However, it would
be wrong... to
assume that racism
does not exist."
-student testimony at
racial harassment
lteari11gs.
tution.
orientation meet ings by distribut"Professor Senior's history ing literature si1 1ilar to that now
course 'The Rise of Police Institu- available on th ' :exual harassment
tions in Britain and the Common- policy.
wealth' perpetuates institutional
All of the students testifying at
racism," claimed History major the hearing agreed that any mechaAhmcr Qadeer as he described the nisms prcscntiy in place to protect
texts as clearly biased, portraying students from radal harassment are
the British as the bearers of civiliza- obs-:ure, unknown and highly ineftion to the wild and evil colonies.
fective.
As one student said, "it has to be
"We certainly need a definitive
white, western art to be considered anti-racism policy at McGill. We
art at McGill".
need some kind of assurance that
Salman Syed shared his perspec- our rights will be protected," insisttive as an international student ed Soraya Hassanali.
struggling to deal with racial harMore specifically, Hassanali said
assmentat McGill. "The biggest fear she would likctoseca policy"whercofan international student is to have by some educational and discipliyour visa revoked, so you don't want nary action will be put into place."
to take up any quarrels with any
As Deborah Gomes, a member
professors," he said. "But interna- ofthe Black Students' Network said,
tional students should know that "By implementing a racial harassthey have rights too."
ment policy, McGill University will
Syed suggested the university bcshowingth(\ttheyarccommitted
advise students of their rights, and to having a non-sexist, non-racist
the procedures available to them, at environment."
r:: - - 1

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                    <text>conférences

Le PTP: un traité pour contenir la Chine
La Ministre Freeland présente di érents aspects du PTP.
Lionel fritz adimi

J

eudi 14 Janvier 2016, à
l’Université de Montréal
(UdeM), la Ministre
du Commerce International,
Madame Chrystia Freeland, participait à une conférence organisée par le Centre d’Études et
de Recherches Internationales
de l’Université de Montréal
(CÉRIUM), dans le cadre du
processus de consultation
publique que le gouvernement
Trudeau s’est engagé à tenir sur
le Partenariat transpaciﬁque
(PTP). Ce traité qui implique à
ce jour une douzaine de pays, et
qui pourrait représenter près
de 40% de l’économie mondiale,
vise essentiellement à accroître
le libre-échange entre les pays
signataires à travers la réduction
des barrières tarifaires reliées à
l’investissement, le renforcement
des règles liées à la transparence
dans les échanges commerciaux,
la création d’emplois, et l’innovation technologique. Il faut donc
reconnaître que la ratiﬁcation de
ce traité représenterait un tournant historique concernant les
e orts alloués par les États à la
coopération internationale.
Et la Chine dans tout cela?
Considérant tous les bénéﬁces énumérés ci-dessus, on peut

mahaut engérant
toutefois se demander pourquoi
la Chine, qui est maintenant un
incontournable de l’ordre économique mondiale, n’a pas pris part
aux négociations. Cet aspect reste
malheureusement très négligé par
les analyses relatives à cet accord.
Cette absence des radars nous
révèle surtout qu’au-delà de l’économie, le PTP, s’il est ratiﬁé, aura
aussi d’énormes conséquences géopolitiques sur l’Asie de l’est. La vérité dans ce sens est que, même si le
Canada ne ratiﬁe pas le traité, notre
pays, en plus d’un potentiel isolement économique et d’une perte
d’opportunités vers de nouveaux

marchés, devra aussi composer
avec les conséquences géopolitiques et stratégiques inhérentes à ce
dernier. Ainsi la question de savoir
ce que feront les décideurs chinois
si ce traité rentre en vigueur,
devient primordiale. La Chine
sera-t-elle victime de la puissance
d’attraction du traité? Finira-t-elle
par se conformer aux standards
mis en place par le groupe comme
cela a été le cas avec l’Organisation
Mondiale du Commerce (OMC) en
2001? Quels sont les pays potentiellement en faveur et en défaveur
de l’entrée de la Chine dans ce nouveau G12 économique?

Une croissance qui dérange
Au-delà de l’attraction
économique, seule une analyse
géopolitique nous offrira les
éléments de réponses à ces questions. À cet effet, la non-invitation de la Chine au processus de
négociations commencé depuis
2008, est symptomatique des
inquiétudes que sa croissance
actuelle ainsi que les différentes
rivalités territoriales en mer de
Chine méridionale, posent à des
États tels que le Japon, l’Australie et Singapour. Pour eux, cet
accord signifie, par procuration,

une présence accrue des ÉtatsUnis, leur allié offshore dans la
région. À cela, les États-Unis
auront donc un rôle déterminant
à jouer concernant le future du
PTP et surtout concernant la
stabilité de la région. Quant au
Canada, même s’il est vrai que
nous n’avons pas directement
un rôle à jouer dans la présente
tentative d’endiguement contre
la Chine, cela ne signifie pas
pour autant que nous ne devons
et pouvons rien faire par rapport
au futur de notre relation avec
la Chine et nos alliés dans la
région.
Ainsi, l’approche diplomatique et multilatérale mise
de l’avant par le gouvernement
Trudeau et expliquée par la
Ministre Freeland lors de la
conférence pourrait, si elle
continue d’avancer dans cette
direction, devenir la clé d’une
implication canadienne flexible
et réaliste en Asie de l’est.
Enfin, comme la ministre
Freeland l’a expliqué, le traité,
après les consultations publiques et les débats au Parlement,
sera à prendre ou à laisser. À
cet effet, le gouvernement libéral aura la responsabilité de
convaincre la population canadienne qu’en plus des retombés
économiques, ce traité marquera
un pas de plus vers notre retour
sur la scène internationale. x

Au-delà des préjugés
Conférence sur la santé mentale au sein des communautés noires.
Vincent MorrÉale

Le Délit

L

e 13 janvier dernier
avait lieu une soirée de
conversations tenue par
des conférenciers jouant tous
des rôles importants liés aux
enjeux des maladies mentales.
Parmi eux, le Dr. Sophia Koukoui,
Rachel Zellar, Dré Myrna
Lashley, Sacha Obas et enfin
Cherrilyn Birchwood. Ensemble,
ils ont partagé leurs recherches
et leurs découvertes à un auditoire attentif et curieux. Les notions
abordées relevaient de la stigmatisation, de la relation entre
les genres et la santé mentale,
de l’importance du bien-être,
ou encore du lien entre l’ethnie
raciale et la justice criminelle et
de son effet sur la santé mentale
d’un individu. Pour cela, ces
experts ont choisi d’utiliser une
approche scientifique, en présentant notamment des projets de
doctorats basés sur des recherches cliniques médicales.

6 ACTUALITÉS

L’événement était aussi l’occasion d’entendre le réalisateur
et documentariste Sacha Obas
sur les enjeux cités dans son
reportage The Black Male Mental
Health Project («l’étude de la
santé de l’homme noir», ndlr).
De fait, le documentaire présente l’expérience de la dépression
vécue dans la communauté noire
de Montréal et ce en examinant
les différents facteurs menant à
la dépression nerveuse. Il propose des solutions variées afin de
combattre le stress et la dépression. Dès le début, les conférenciers ont orienté la discussion
autour des maladies mentales
touchant des communautés
ethniques et des conséquences
liées, telle la dépression. Ils ont
invité les membres à s’entretenir avec les professionnels présents à cette fin. Ce sujet reste
selon eux encore extrêmement
sensible car, à partir du moment
où ces troubles deviennent un
problème pour un individu, ils
deviennent aussi tabou, ce qui

rend le sujet d’autant plus difficile à aborder. De fait, cet enjeu
étant caché et secret, les individus souffrant de ces troubles
subissent, à leur grand désarroi,
du racisme, mais aussi de l’intimidation. Le Dr. Koukoui parle
ici de «stigma»: une sorte de
marque, de blessure sur la peau
à l’image des traces imprimés au
fer rouge sur le corps comme punition. Toutefois, ces punitions
sont arrivées sans raison, ce qui
oblige les patients à vivre avec
des symptômes sans prendre
conscience de leur «maladie».
La maladie mentale étant
un enjeu important, du fait de sa
croissance ces dernières années,
les organisateurs et conférenciers ont à plusieurs reprises
mentionné à quel point ils
étaient heureux qu’un si grand
nombre de personnes se soit
déplacé le temps d’une soirée. Le
contenu du reportage The Black
Male Mental Health Project n’est
selon eux pas pris avec autant de
sérieux dans la sphère publique.

La conférence aborde une catégorie de maladies mentales qui
sont en hausse et ce, malheureusement, tant chez les adultes et les
personnes âgées que chez les adolescents. La dépression mentale
a ecte non seulement la capacité

d’un individu à vivre en société,
mais aussi à vivre tout simplement, le forçant à se retirer en
silence, honteux d’avouer, ou de
s’avouer, qu’il a un problème qui
va au-delà d’un simple sentiment
mélancolique passager. x

le délit · mardi 19 janvier 2016 · delitfrancais.com

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                    <text>Commentary

The McGill Daily, Thursday, January 14, 2010

7

Bad romance

Feminism and women of colour make an unhappy pair

Aristotle’s lackey
Sana Saeed

I

nfluenced by seventies empowerment classics, the Spice
Girls, and my own experience as a veiled teenager vacillating between homogenous and diverse ethnic communities, the word “Woman” became a defining characteristic of
my identity during my middle and high school years. While
unaware of all the word’s connotations, I knew from a very
young age that to be a woman is beyond breasts,
Aunt Flows, and unmentionable monologues. Struggle is inherent to
every woman’s life, regardless of her appearance,
her location, her age,
her past. I believed that
to be a woman was not
only to experience this
struggle, but also to
realize it, to embrace
it, to fight.
To never succumb.
The realization of
the struggle(s) inherent to my womanhood helped me better formulate a worldview that would eventually bring me to peace
with several things that
had haunted my thoughts
for years. Vanity, glass ceilings, career, ambition, opinions,
unorthodox language and choices,
and unattainable expectations had
all carved out comfortable abodes in my
head and I was constantly forced to deal with
the issues that arose from their sometimes unwanted and sometimes desired presence.
I picked up my first piece of feminist literature at the age of
16. It was your basic introductory work, providing a detailed
discussion and analysis of various forms of feminism – as an
ideology and as an academic discipline – ranging from radical
to ecological. The academic foundation of the activist movement attracted me and eventually led me to take a feminist
theory class during my first undergraduate semester. A mixture of an activist fetish, first-year depression, and general
intellectual curiosity gently coaxed me into joining a collective
of sorts and really exploring the McGill feminist landscape. It
was angry, fun, filled with ambiguities. I liked it. It terrified me
at times, overwhelmed me, but it was something.
Alas, somewhere along the way, the relationship went sour.
The passion left. The tensions had always been there, but were
ignored for the sake of solidarity.
Though always aware of my womanhood, I had never been
as sensitive to my ethnic and religious identity as much as I
was forced to be upon entering university. New ideas regarding power relations, history, politics, gender, and ethnicity
were thrust into my adorable 18-year-old face. I embarked on
the sort of spiritual and cultural rejuvenation that seems to
come with age and paying tuition. I began to re-explore my
Islamic identity while also looking into my heritage, beyond
the date of my parents’ migration to North America.
And as my awareness of racism and ethnic power dynamics’ pervasive nature increased, the paradox involved in maintaining a capital-F feminist self also increased. I became more
and more uncomfortable being associated with Feminism – a
feeling fueled largely by how mainstream strands of feminism
(including the ever-dominant Radical branch) would treat ethnic identities.
Generally speaking, feminism, as a socio-political and

intellectual movement, has been dominated by white women,
along with a select few white transgendered individuals and
white homosexual men.
Think that’s a gross exaggeration? Send a letter.

There
has been very little input in the initial
and primary construction of feminist discourse by those outside the aforementioned
groups. The “white” history and experience – the meaning
and implications of which exceed the scope of this column’s
word count – defined, created, and have sustained what we
understand feminism to be today, specifically the Liberal and
Radical strands.
Now many will respond that several types of feminism
today have evolved into more inclusive movements that
take into consideration that so-called “women of colour”
have different experiences than white women as women.
And that’s precisely where the problem lies: women of
colour.
“Women of colour” beautifully illustrates the exact problem I discovered with feminism, as a woman who did not fit
the mainstream criteria for being just a Woman. As a “woman
of colour,” I am not just a Woman. I am a woman with a little
something extra; there is a difference struck between women
like me and white women. There is no Woman. There are
no Women. There are two groups: women and “women of
colour.” This tidily, and unfortunately, translates into the “us”
and “them” categorization.
Because this distinction is made and has been proudly
appropriated by “women of colour” without much criticism,
this presumption that the white woman’s identity is a sort of
“foundational” identity for all women is prevalent within feminism. As mentioned earlier, feminism was created and has
been sustained on a very white – and North American – experience and history. This experience and this history have created the framework within which decades of feminist theory
and thought have been constructed.

This paradigm was most aptly demonstrated when nonwhite feminists began to critique the very real ethnic power
imbalances that existed in the discourse during the sixties
and seventies. “Ethnicity,” including also faith and culture,
was more or less fitted into the existing framework: the
framework that was built on the white woman’s experience
with and understanding of patriarchy. There was no
real attempt to rethink the intellectual and historical foundations of the movement. Those thinkers, like Angela Y. Davis and bell hooks,
who did attempt that reconceptualization, have gone into the shadows of academia, existing as
mere footnotes at the end of
feminist class syllabuses.
So, is the white woman
the palette upon which the
“colours” of all other women
can be found and mixed,
used interchangeably to
create a beautiful “inclusive” portrait of something
which is, in many respects,
ugly? If we are all equal, why
are some “of colour” while
others have the privilege
of a much shorter identity
label?
I strongly believe that
much of the feminist analysis on sex, sexual identities,
capitalism, beauty, and genil y
der
deconstruction coma
D
ill
prises a powerful tool, buildcG
M
he
ing ideas that require our con/T
r
se
sideration
if we want to change
s
e
M
a
i
our
status-quo
condition. I am not,
v
i
Ol
however, foolish enough to believe in the
universal applicability of these ideas here in
North America (forget the rest of the world).
There is a real void within mainstream feminist discourse that has marginalized the very women whom it has
allegedly sought to empower and “save.” Feminism is still
very much a white woman’s movement and discipline; it
has tokenized women it sees as “of colour” in its attempt to
be more inclusive and universal. This is not progress: this
is not equality. This is a kinder racism: unintentional, and
really a part of an institutionalized mentality and epistemic
history, but racism nevertheless.
What is required for feminism’s return to relevance is a
complete reconsideration and questioning of the foundation
it was built upon, one sustained by the white woman’s narrative on patriarchy. This reevaluation can potentially lead
toward a more holistic feminism – hopefully rebranded as
something for all men, women, and everyone beyond – that
is based on an understanding that the experiences of all
women with patriarchy vary. All women view and interact
with “patriarchy” in different ways and more than lip-service
recognition of this fact is required to transform feminism.
There should be no saving involved. There should be no
brackets. There should not be two categories of women, if it
is women about whom we speak. There should be realization,
embracement, and battle. There should be real inclusivity –
of cultures and ideas. Nothing fitted neatly into the existing
crevices and cracks.
And there should be just Women. Period.
Sana Saeed writes in this space every week. Embrace her at
aristotleslackey@mcgilldaily.com.

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            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="4956">
                <text>Sana Saeed</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="45">
            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="4957">
                <text>The McGill Daily</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="4958">
                <text>2010/01/14</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="42">
            <name>Format</name>
            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="4959">
                <text>PDF</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="44">
            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="4960">
                <text>English</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
        </elementContainer>
      </elementSet>
    </elementSetContainer>
    <tagContainer>
      <tag tagId="117">
        <name>feminism</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="180">
        <name>Islamaphobia</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="58">
        <name>race</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="59">
        <name>racism</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="181">
        <name>Sex</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="8">
        <name>sexism</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="182">
        <name>Student Organizations</name>
      </tag>
    </tagContainer>
  </item>
</itemContainer>
