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                    <text>16Commentary

The McGill Daily, Thursday, April 1, 2010

HYDE PARK

Looking for shelter

Muslim students at McGill still don’t have a prayer space
Salman Hafeez

P

rayer forms one of the five
pillars of Islam: Muslims are
required to pray five times a
day. Prayer is a means of communication with Allah, and also one of
the important means that Muslim
students rely on to cope with the
demands of an exhausting university life.
As a Muslim student at McGill,
I have always longed for a proper
prayer space on campus. When
I arrived in Canada three years
ago from 10 time zones away, I
was shocked and disappointed to
learn that the Muslim Students’
Association (MSA) had recently been evicted from its former
space.
Among the reasons the administration gave for the eviction was
the idea that McGill is a secular
institution and therefore not obligated to provide prayer space for
any particular group on campus.
Presently, a portion of the MSA
office within the Shatner Building
serves as a “temporary prayer
corner.” However, the maximum
capacity of the room is around 20
people, and I often have to wait
outside as long as 15 minutes to
find a spot. Many times, additional

prayer services need to be held in
order to accommodate all students
who want to attend.
Moreover, the present prayer
space within Shatner is not accessible for prayers when the building is
closed. In such circumstances, like
other Muslim students, I anxiously
search for a spot around campus
where I can offer my prayers and
connect with my Creator. These
spots include places underneath
stairways; various locations within
the libraries, such as desolate corners and areas between secluded
bookshelves; the grounds of Lower
Field, weather permitting; and
the basements of the McConnell
Engineering and Lorne Trottier
buildings.
However, at these various makeshift praying areas, I cannot offer
prayers with any devotion. It is
hard to concentrate when there are
people walking on the stairs above
me, or when someone wants to get
a book off the shelf that I happen
to be praying next to. Many times,
these places are not very clean –
and “cleanliness of the place” is one
of the prerequisites for prayer in
Islam.
Prayer involves kneeling and
prostration on the floor. Therefore,
I always hurry, lest someone should

trip over me. Therefore, I am
unable to garner any of the spiritual
or mental satisfaction that Muslims
seek from their daily prayers.
For me, praying in such conditions transforms the act of prayer
into a mere series of mechanical
operations, devoid of any real connection with Allah. Many times,
I have delayed or even missed
prayers as a result of not being
able to find a suitable location. At
the end of the day, I lose out on an
important tool that would otherwise provide me the strength and
courage to deal with various problems (financial, academic, personal, et cetera).
Muslim students across the
campus share the same experience. My friend Obei El-Kurdy, U2
Mechanical Engineering, pointed
out to me, “Praying is really a simple and enriching experience for
a Muslim…. However, we need a
proper space, as the current one
in the Shatner Building is by far
inadequate to the Muslim students’
needs.”
Omar
Balaa,
U3
Civil
Engineering, another friend, also
stresses the importance of having
a proper praying space. “Apart from
fulfilling my obligations toward my
Creator, it would help me focus

Sally Lin | The McGill Daily

on my studies, enhance my undergraduate experience, and allow me
to contribute to the community in a
much better way. I would basically
be freed from this constant, nagging worry of having to figure out
the next praying spot.”
In the end, I pray and hope that
the administration wakes up and
addresses Muslim students’ needs.

Campuses across North America
have provided accommodation for
Muslim students, so I fail to understand why McGill, world-renowned
for its rich cultural and ethnic diversity, has to be an exception.
Salman Hafeez is a U2 Mechanical
Engineering student. Write him at
salman.hafeez@mail.mcgill.ca.

Burqas, hijabs, niqabs, oh my!
Law 94 is veiled identity politics

Aristotle’s lackey
Sana Saeed

I

suppose it’s time to address the
rather large and noisy elephant
floating between the margins of
Aristotle’s lackey.
Law 94.
Just last week, the National
Assembly passed a law banning
the niqab from such critical public
spaces as universities, government
offices, daycares, and hospitals
receiving government funding. The
support for the ban has been strong
throughout Canada, with an 80 per
cent approval rating according to a
survey conducted by Angus Reid.
Criticisms have been sparse, coming
primarily from an unsure Muslim
community, various lawyers, scattered academics, and select university papers.
But the general discussion on
this matter has just been a mess,
with a near complete avoidance of
the question of the role of identity in English-speaking Canada.
Because this legislation is provin-

cial, however, I will limit my discussion to the situation in Quebec.
As mentioned briefly in an article last month by Sheetal Pathak
(“Muslim women don’t need saving
from themselves,” Commentary,
March 18), the Canadian Muslim
community is itself divided on this
issue. Unlike the hijab, there’s no
real consensus on the status of the
niqab. A small minority see it as an
obligation – or at the very least, the
superior form of the modesty principle prescribed by Islam.
While this debate is legitimate,
it’s irrelevant to the issue at hand –
the discussion on the matter within the Muslim community needs
to move beyond the question of
necessity. If there are women who
believe it is their religious obligation to wear the niqab while living
in North America, then that choice
must be respected.
The current brouhaha, framed
by a reductionist debate on “choice,”

grossly undermines women’s agency and completely overlooks the
greater context of Law 94 and the
persistence of a discourse ultimately
not about gender equality, secularism, integration, or identification. It
is about identity. And just as identity
politics create a limiting framework
for political discourse, identity politics can and often do create limiting
platforms for legislation and issues
regarding minority populations.
In Politics of the Veil, Joan
Wallach Scott provides a rather
thorough survey of the 2004 French
ban of “ostentatious” religious
symbols – including the hijab – in
public spaces. She emphasizes the
relationship between France as a
former colonial power and its current minority populations, and the
consequences of this relationship
for the 2004 ban.
Scott argues that while France
maintained colonial presence in
Algeria, the veil came to signify
both cultural and violent resistance
against imperialism. France’s laïcité
(roughly equivalent to secularism)
and resistance to accepting the
country’s changing reality allow for
the unacknowledged persistence
of the belief that the veil remains a
symbol of cultural and violent resistance to assimilation.
Quebec is not France. But like
French identity, Quebec identity is

built upon a shared linguistic and
ethnic heritage as embodied by
the historical interactions between
church and state. This includes the
near-total rejection of Catholicism
during the Quiet Revolution.
And like France, Quebec has
seen a surge in its immigrant population, which challenges a system
long sustained by the province’s
homogeneity. It is without a doubt
understandable that the majority
of Quebeckers – outside Montreal
especially – would fear the erosion
of an identity with a tumultuous
past.
While this fear is comprehensible, it is not justified, and it certainly should not be the source
for any law. With only a few dozen
women in the province actually
wearing the niqab, how much of a
problem does the covering actually
cause? France’s proposed ban on
the burqa, recently judged unconstitutional by an advisory board,
affected only 367 women out of five
million Muslims. How necessary is a
law for an exception – especially at
the expense of appearing hostile to
a significant and growing minority?
What’s more, where exactly is the
line drawn? There remains a strong
movement in Quebec, which has
at least some minimal support, to
ban the adornment of any religious
symbols – from kippas to hijabs –

in public spaces. When does “reasonable” accommodation become
“unreasonable”? Can there be an
unreasonable demand if it’s made
in the name of identity and ideology?
All that being said, there is an
often understated obligation upon
the Muslim community itself, as
with any other ethno-religious
group, to sincerely engage with
such issues and ask itself what is a
“reasonable accommodation” to ask
of the state. But this question and
its implications are to be addressed
and dealt with by the Muslim community itself, as with any other
minority group.
For many, a law that discriminates against an exception may not
be really consequential to the “big
picture” in a negative or a positive
way. It is, however, crucial that we
consider the sort of framework this
persistent debate and this particular legislation create for future discussions on matters concerning
minorities.
But until we get to future
debates, I’ll keep rocking the flashy
and colourful scarves that my students seem to love.
Sana Saeed will write once more
in this space before disappearing.
Get in touch: aristotles.lackey@
mcgilldaily.com.

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                    <text>Commentary

The McGill Daily, Thursday, January 14, 2010

7

Bad romance

Feminism and women of colour make an unhappy pair

Aristotle’s lackey
Sana Saeed

I

nfluenced by seventies empowerment classics, the Spice
Girls, and my own experience as a veiled teenager vacillating between homogenous and diverse ethnic communities, the word “Woman” became a defining characteristic of
my identity during my middle and high school years. While
unaware of all the word’s connotations, I knew from a very
young age that to be a woman is beyond breasts,
Aunt Flows, and unmentionable monologues. Struggle is inherent to
every woman’s life, regardless of her appearance,
her location, her age,
her past. I believed that
to be a woman was not
only to experience this
struggle, but also to
realize it, to embrace
it, to fight.
To never succumb.
The realization of
the struggle(s) inherent to my womanhood helped me better formulate a worldview that would eventually bring me to peace
with several things that
had haunted my thoughts
for years. Vanity, glass ceilings, career, ambition, opinions,
unorthodox language and choices,
and unattainable expectations had
all carved out comfortable abodes in my
head and I was constantly forced to deal with
the issues that arose from their sometimes unwanted and sometimes desired presence.
I picked up my first piece of feminist literature at the age of
16. It was your basic introductory work, providing a detailed
discussion and analysis of various forms of feminism – as an
ideology and as an academic discipline – ranging from radical
to ecological. The academic foundation of the activist movement attracted me and eventually led me to take a feminist
theory class during my first undergraduate semester. A mixture of an activist fetish, first-year depression, and general
intellectual curiosity gently coaxed me into joining a collective
of sorts and really exploring the McGill feminist landscape. It
was angry, fun, filled with ambiguities. I liked it. It terrified me
at times, overwhelmed me, but it was something.
Alas, somewhere along the way, the relationship went sour.
The passion left. The tensions had always been there, but were
ignored for the sake of solidarity.
Though always aware of my womanhood, I had never been
as sensitive to my ethnic and religious identity as much as I
was forced to be upon entering university. New ideas regarding power relations, history, politics, gender, and ethnicity
were thrust into my adorable 18-year-old face. I embarked on
the sort of spiritual and cultural rejuvenation that seems to
come with age and paying tuition. I began to re-explore my
Islamic identity while also looking into my heritage, beyond
the date of my parents’ migration to North America.
And as my awareness of racism and ethnic power dynamics’ pervasive nature increased, the paradox involved in maintaining a capital-F feminist self also increased. I became more
and more uncomfortable being associated with Feminism – a
feeling fueled largely by how mainstream strands of feminism
(including the ever-dominant Radical branch) would treat ethnic identities.
Generally speaking, feminism, as a socio-political and

intellectual movement, has been dominated by white women,
along with a select few white transgendered individuals and
white homosexual men.
Think that’s a gross exaggeration? Send a letter.

There
has been very little input in the initial
and primary construction of feminist discourse by those outside the aforementioned
groups. The “white” history and experience – the meaning
and implications of which exceed the scope of this column’s
word count – defined, created, and have sustained what we
understand feminism to be today, specifically the Liberal and
Radical strands.
Now many will respond that several types of feminism
today have evolved into more inclusive movements that
take into consideration that so-called “women of colour”
have different experiences than white women as women.
And that’s precisely where the problem lies: women of
colour.
“Women of colour” beautifully illustrates the exact problem I discovered with feminism, as a woman who did not fit
the mainstream criteria for being just a Woman. As a “woman
of colour,” I am not just a Woman. I am a woman with a little
something extra; there is a difference struck between women
like me and white women. There is no Woman. There are
no Women. There are two groups: women and “women of
colour.” This tidily, and unfortunately, translates into the “us”
and “them” categorization.
Because this distinction is made and has been proudly
appropriated by “women of colour” without much criticism,
this presumption that the white woman’s identity is a sort of
“foundational” identity for all women is prevalent within feminism. As mentioned earlier, feminism was created and has
been sustained on a very white – and North American – experience and history. This experience and this history have created the framework within which decades of feminist theory
and thought have been constructed.

This paradigm was most aptly demonstrated when nonwhite feminists began to critique the very real ethnic power
imbalances that existed in the discourse during the sixties
and seventies. “Ethnicity,” including also faith and culture,
was more or less fitted into the existing framework: the
framework that was built on the white woman’s experience
with and understanding of patriarchy. There was no
real attempt to rethink the intellectual and historical foundations of the movement. Those thinkers, like Angela Y. Davis and bell hooks,
who did attempt that reconceptualization, have gone into the shadows of academia, existing as
mere footnotes at the end of
feminist class syllabuses.
So, is the white woman
the palette upon which the
“colours” of all other women
can be found and mixed,
used interchangeably to
create a beautiful “inclusive” portrait of something
which is, in many respects,
ugly? If we are all equal, why
are some “of colour” while
others have the privilege
of a much shorter identity
label?
I strongly believe that
much of the feminist analysis on sex, sexual identities,
capitalism, beauty, and genil y
der
deconstruction coma
D
ill
prises a powerful tool, buildcG
M
he
ing ideas that require our con/T
r
se
sideration
if we want to change
s
e
M
a
i
our
status-quo
condition. I am not,
v
i
Ol
however, foolish enough to believe in the
universal applicability of these ideas here in
North America (forget the rest of the world).
There is a real void within mainstream feminist discourse that has marginalized the very women whom it has
allegedly sought to empower and “save.” Feminism is still
very much a white woman’s movement and discipline; it
has tokenized women it sees as “of colour” in its attempt to
be more inclusive and universal. This is not progress: this
is not equality. This is a kinder racism: unintentional, and
really a part of an institutionalized mentality and epistemic
history, but racism nevertheless.
What is required for feminism’s return to relevance is a
complete reconsideration and questioning of the foundation
it was built upon, one sustained by the white woman’s narrative on patriarchy. This reevaluation can potentially lead
toward a more holistic feminism – hopefully rebranded as
something for all men, women, and everyone beyond – that
is based on an understanding that the experiences of all
women with patriarchy vary. All women view and interact
with “patriarchy” in different ways and more than lip-service
recognition of this fact is required to transform feminism.
There should be no saving involved. There should be no
brackets. There should not be two categories of women, if it
is women about whom we speak. There should be realization,
embracement, and battle. There should be real inclusivity –
of cultures and ideas. Nothing fitted neatly into the existing
crevices and cracks.
And there should be just Women. Period.
Sana Saeed writes in this space every week. Embrace her at
aristotleslackey@mcgilldaily.com.

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