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                    <text>Le Délit &amp; The McGill Daily 30/11/2009

mcgill à montréal, au québec, au canada

/

mcgill in montreal, quebec, and canada

Marguerite Bravay
The McGill Daily

I

n late March of this year,
23-year-old McGill student
Jackie Jones was apprehended by five Société de transport de
Montréal (STM) security guards
just after entering Peel metro
station. The guards approached
Jones, who is black, while she
was standing at the top of the
escalators with a Hispanic male
friend of hers. They asked her in
French to move out of their way.
They became agitated when she
asked them to repeat themselves
in English.
“They said ‘Move now!’ and
it was a bit aggressive. I listened
and was going to move on, but I
told them that there is no need
for the aggression. At this point
they asked for my ID and were
going to give me a ticket,” Jones
told The Daily (“McGill student
victim of racial profiling,” News,
October 26). “When I started to
question them about why I was
receiving a ticket, one of the
guards grabbed my arm and
twisted it to my back. They called
for three more male security
guards, who slammed me onto
the ground and handcuffed me.”
Upon finding her McGill student card in her purse, the STM
guards released Jones almost
immediately. She subsequently sought assistance from the
Centre for Research-Action on
Race Relations (CRARR) and filed
a racial profiling complaint seeking $45,000 in moral and punitive damages with the Quebec
Human Rights Commission. In
August, Jones was charged for
obstructing the work of civil

servants, and fined $100. The
preliminary hearing of her case
was held Wednesday morning at
Montreal’s municipal court. Now
that the legal proceedings have
begun, the impact of racial profiling on the McGill and Montreal
communities is brought back
into focus. While the McGill
bubble is often seen as a safe
haven, students have a different view of the rest of Montreal.
One black student, who wished
to remain anonymous, said that
she had never experienced racial
profiling or any other form of
discrimination at McGill, though
she explained that “it could definitely happen [in Montral]”.
“[McGill’s level of tolerance]
can be chalked up to an issue
of education,” said Melissa Li, a
U1 Pharmacology student. “Lack
of education entails closedmindedness, which leads to discrimination and [here at McGill]
people are fairly open to differences.” Li, who takes the metro
every day, told The Daily about
another incident of racial profiling she witnessed at Peel station over the summer: “The
metro was stalled [at Peel] and
there was a homeless black man
sleeping on the car. All of a sudden, two intimidating-looking
security guards stepped aboard
and just sandwiched the man
between them, before brutally
dragging him onto the platform.” Indeed, the STM’s rough
treatment of minorities has concerned CRARR workers for some
time now. “We tend to see cases
where STM inspectors overreact,
fine and arrest or detain people...
because [of] their race,” said
Adrienne Gibson, a civil rights
advocate at CRARR and McGill

Mona Ghassemi for The McGill Daily

Racism beyond the Roddick Gates

Racial profiling might not affect us at McGill, but it’s very real in the rest of the city.
Faculty of Law graduate. “[Their]
use of force can be excessive and
unwarranted.” She added that
that many young people and
minorities don’t speak up against
the STM, “because they are not
aware of their civil rights.”
“In some cases, the STM [dis-

courages] people from complaining, telling them they don’t have
a good case,” she elaborated.
Gibson urged all students
to stand up for their rights, like
Jackie Jones did: “If you feel
you’ve been racially profiled or
discriminated [against], make

The Choose Life I’d choose
Anti-abortion club should try supporting women for once
Braden Goyette
The McGill Daily

S

itting in on SSMU Council
the night Choose Life’s club
status got revoked made me
think about how campus debates
often boil down to two sides talking past each other, repeating the
same things without much giveand-take.
Here’s what I imagine giveand-take could look like, in the
University I want.
Choose Life: you want fewer
abortions to be practiced.

Speakers from the Silent No
More Awareness Campaign said
that if they could stop even a few
girls from having abortions, that
would make their efforts worthwhile.
Why don’t you do this in a way
that empowers women, instead of
degrading them with signs designed
to fill them with guilt?
Specifically, by addressing the
material conditions that make it
difficult for women to keep their
babies, by advocating for a publicly-funded national childcare program.
Your signs don’t help preg-

nant women keep their babies.
Your pamphlets decrying abortion as racist don’t do anything to
alleviate the deeply entrenched
sources of economic inequality
that contribute to higher rates
of unwanted pregnancy or teen
pregnancy among women of
colour.
Helping create the political will
to form a national childcare program would benefit women from
all backgrounds – would enable
them to support their families and
advance in the workplace – and
would be a pro-woman way of helping individuals choose life.

a complaint.... Too many people think that what happens
to them is an isolated case.”
Ultimately, Gibson reminded the
McGill community that “there is
strength in numbers.”
—with files from Stephanie
Law

Tell us what you want,
what you really, really
want.
Want to tell us how you feel about
The Daily?
Fill out our survey at
mcgilldaily.com.

23

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                    <text>Commentary

The McGill Daily, Thursday, February 4, 2010

5

In which I deconstruct the family jewels
Dignity needs defending

Radically reread
Lisa Miatello

T

his past summer, I found
myself at a party and in a bit
of a sticky situation. Here’s
the story:
As I was walking down the hallway, out of the corner of my eye,
I saw a small chalkboard hanging
on the wall. Taking a closer look,
its title read, “House Rules.” Here
we go, I thought bitterly. Scanning
the rules quickly, my eyes fell
upon Rule #3: “No fat chicks.”
And to drive this point home,
#3 was accompanied by Rule
#5: “Remember, no fat chicks.”
Disgusted, I didn’t think twice
before furiously rubbing that shit
out with my palm.
Meanwhile, some dude (let’s
call him Dude for the sake of simplicity) had seen what I had done
and didn’t take too kindly to it. So
Dude started talking smack. He
told me that I have “no right” to
erase their house rules, about this
being private property, that we live
in a free country, and that everyone’s entitled to their (bullshit)

opinions. Blah blah blah, enter
ways to justify oppressive behaviour here. True to form, I started
arguing with him.
Our dispute rapidly descended
into a series of verbal cheap shots
aimed by Dude at yours truly. In a
matter of minutes, I learned about
his contempt for women, his aversion to fat people, and his distaste
for lesbians. To add insult to injury, during his diatribe, he mocked
me, mimicked me, and waved a
pair of drumsticks in my face. It
was straight up disrespect, and it
infuriated me.
This brief but heated interaction tapped into years and years of
anger I had felt – still feel – toward
our society’s homophobia, sexism,
and fatphobia. Dude’s words and
behaviour threw me back to the
hordes of boys and men that I have
known whose reactions toward
women run the gamut from subtle
disdain to sexual violence. I considered all the ways I had reacted
to this sort of treatment in the

past. Submitting to this disrespect
had meant accepting the idea that
women are inferior, worthless, stupid, and weak. It had meant internalizing the devaluation that men
like this had impressed on me.
Talking back when disrespected
had meant being called a crazy
bitch, being dismissed, getting reprimanded and punished, or being
ostracized.
It’s only through laboured
politicization that I have come
to understand the roots of this
sort of violence and the anger it
generates. We grow up learning
that entire groups of people are
deemed less valuable and less
human than others. It sucks, to
the say the least. With this truism in tow, I’ve become more and
more convinced that when all else
is lost, all we have left is our dignity. For that reason, preserving it,
defending it, and fighting for it has
become central to my actions.
So how did this altercation
with Dude end? I grabbed hold
of his drumsticks and kicked the
douchebag in the nuts. If I could
do it again, the only thing I would
do differently would be to kick
him harder.
Militant feminist: 1. Patriarchy: 0.

A

ill D

aily

LI’L HYDE PARK

Setting the record straight on the Bookstore
fter reading “Haven Books:
a cheap alternative” by
Ben Paris (Commentary,
January 11), my staff and I felt compelled to address the errors and
misinformation throughout the
article. We think that this misinformation serves to hurt both the
McGill Bookstore and the community at large.
First, the McGill Bookstore is
fully owned and operated by McGill
University. It was, at one point, run
by Chapters/Indigo for a five-year
period that ended in May 2003.
Since that time, the Bookstore has
been self-financed and is not subsidized by the University. Not only do
we autonomously finance all operating expenses of the Bookstore, but
regularly deliver year-end surpluses
to the University. Over the last three
years alone, $1,125,000 ($375,000
per annum) has been transferred to
Student Life and Learning and has
been used for student financial support. We also support students sig-

L

McG

Lisa Miatello pens a column on
this parchment every second week.
Dignify her at radicallyreread@
mcgilldaily.com.

HYDE PARK

David Strutz

Sally

he
in | T

nificantly in other ways. For example, we currently employ approximately 60 McGill students, and do
so in a work environment that is
sensitive to student schedules and
academic work loads.
Second, the mark-up charged on
textbooks is not “huge.” Bookstores
do not set textbook prices – publishers do. Our profit on the sale of
each textbook is not 40 per cent, but
substantially lower at an average of
23 per cent. That is, on a $100 book,
the publisher receives $77, and the
Bookstore, $23. Furthermore, a
portion of this $23 is used to cover
the day-to-day expenses involved in
operating a bookstore; for example,
shipping charges on received merchandise, salaries and benefits, and
mortgage payments.
Third, we offer students the
opportunity to sell their used
textbooks back to the bookstore
year-round not only to meet our
needs but also on behalf of some
20 other Canadian campuses.
Although our cash-upfront buyback model differs from the one
offered at Haven Books, students

should be aware that the option to
both sell and buy used textbooks
exists here as well. Students are
free to choose the option that
best suits their needs.
Finally, the restriction on advertising by Haven Books is related to a
restriction on the use of University
resources (such as email) to promote a commercial endeavour.
However, nothing prevents Haven
Books from buying ads in The Daily,
the McGill Tribune, or other media.
The McGill Bookstore is in a
competitive market, and students
will decide where to buy their new
and used books. However, it is
important for students to know the
facts: the McGill Bookstore is here
to support the academic mission
of the University, is committed to
serving student needs, and contributes to student financial support by
transferring surpluses to Student
Life and Learning.
David Strutz is the Associate
Director (Retail &amp; Parking) of
Ancillary Services. Write him at
david.strutz@mcgill.ca.

Stay classy, pro-choice crowd
Dear campus activists who’ve
opposed Choose Life this year:
The kids behind Choose Life are
in the minority here. They are small
in numbers and, as events on campus have shown in recent months,
there’s a strong consensus against
their tactics and the way they do
business. Even people who are generally opposed to abortion wrote
into The Daily saying that Choose
Life and their affiliates give the prolife movement a bad name, and are,
on the whole, kind of tacky.
Don’t encourage them.
Given their numbers and the
scale of their actions, without all the
hype, the wind would have gone out
of their sails a long time ago.
Which is why I find this GA
motion to categorically ban any
pro-life group from SSMU particularly distressing. The wording of
the motion defines groups with
a pro-life ideology as inherently
oppressive, a leap of logic that
ploughs over any differentiation
between all the people out there
who aren’t too keen on the idea
of abortion: “The SSMU further
resolves to condemn any group,
student association, or organiza-

tion whose goals and methods
compromise the safety and health
of any person or engage in acts of
discrimination such as but not limited to pro-life groups.”
You are only giving the people
behind Choose Life ammunition
and legitimizing their claim to being
oppressed by the Left. This idea is
central to the way they’re framing
themselves as conservative underdogs being put down by an intolerant pro-abortion majority.
You glorify Choose Life by providing them with the epic, forceful opposition their self-image
requires. Meet their actions with
disregard and disinterest instead
of indignation, and this self-image
won’t hold water.
If you think their tactics are
beneath your dignity, do not dignify
them. The best way to oppose people you violently disagree with is
to put them in their place. You can
achieve this, first, by staying classy
and keeping your place firmly in
the moral high ground. Proposing
censorship has you losing it pretty
fast. Please don’t let this lapse pass
into policy.
—Braden Goyette

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                    <text>10Commentary

The McGill Daily, Thursday, March 18, 2010

COMMENT

Sally Lin | The McGill Daily

Are we complicit in marginalization?
The Daily’s Ian Beattie challenges the paper’s response to opponents of pro-life groups

W

hen Choose Life first
appeared on campus last
year, a significant portion
of the student body reacted strongly against their application for club
status. In a Hyde Park that appeared
in The Daily in November 2008, the
Union for Gender Empowerment
Collective wrote that “by condemning abortion as an option, pro-life
propaganda is targeting, alienating, and shaming a minority group
within the student body – those
who have had or are considering
abortion” (“Pro-life education will
endanger students”).
When Choose Life gained club
status and they revealed themselves
as everything we were afraid they’d
be, some students demanded the
revocation of their club status –
others even called for a ban against
all future pro-life groups. The basic
argument has stayed the same: that
all pro-life groups, not just Choose
Life, endanger the safety of certain
students.
Over the past few months, The
Daily’s editorial board has said
little on the topic, but has quietly
opposed this movement in the student body. Sadly, we have done so in
a disingenuous and inadequate fashion. We’ve either ignored or set up
sham arguments in response to the
anti-Choose Lifers’ concerns, and
it’s been easy for us, since we hold
the more widely accepted opinion.
Take, for example, our condemnation of the Anti-Discriminatory
Groups general assembly (GA)
motion in November.
According to The Daily, “this
motion makes the faulty leap
of logic that all pro-life groups
are the same” (“The Daily’s GA
Recommendations,” February 7).
It is true that this generalization

was made in the resolution. But we
ignored the essence of this generalization – that pro-life groups aren’t
just all “the same,” but are inherently discriminatory and hateful. As
Liam Olson-Mayes, who co-wrote
the motion, told me, “The term
‘pro-life’ is seriously rooted in this
historical, political context, which
has very much occupied itself with
legal struggles and efforts to criminalize abortion.” By ignoring this
premise and the varying implications of the term “pro-life,” we gave
ourselves the freedom to speak in
patronizing tones about “leaps in
logic,” without engaging with the
argument behind these connections. If The Daily doesn’t believe
that pro-life groups are inherently
dangerous to students, we need to
explain why.
More importantly though, this
is an argument which ignores and
thereby silences the anti-Choose
Lifers. By opposing their positions
but not engaging with any of their
arguments, we eliminate them from
the discourse.
All along, anti-Choose Lifers
have argued that pro-life groups are
unacceptable on campus, not just
for their actions, but for the very
premise of their existence – that
women should “choose life.”
“I think that there shouldn’t be
any organization [at McGill] that
can advocate for this change in
social conditions that would lead to
the widespread death of women. I
think that that’s totally inappropriate, and is not up for discussion,”
Olson-Mayes said. “By having this
organization, which is legitimated
as it exists as a SSMU club, to me
that’s just totally bizarre and totally
wrong – that what we’re actually
going to represent one side of the

The Daily’s unsigned
editorial content
The topics of The Daily’s editorials
are chosen by the editorial board
on Mondays, written by one editor, and then revised collectively
by the whole board on production
nights. Because we’re a consensusbased body, we try to make sure
as many of us as possible agree
with what’s written – but obviously that’s not always feasible.
debate which is advocating for social
conditions under which women are
going to die en masse.” No matter
your politics, if a group engages in a
politics of hate, it’s not okay for our
student society to be giving them a
home – even if they’re quiet about
it.
The Daily has yet to come up
with a meaningful response to
this argument. We said in our GA
endorsements that “a pro-life group
could exist on campus that respects
students’ safety and provides beneficial medical services.” That’s not
the point. According to anti-Choose
Lifers, the problem isn’t just what
pro-life groups do – it’s what they
are. The very premise of their existence is hateful.
Now, three months later, we’re
making the same mistakes. This
past week, in our referendum
endorsements (Editorial, March
8), we again wallowed in the comfort of representing the status quo,
instead of engaging with those who
say we are wrong. Without qualification, we wrote that “if approved by
students, [the motion on body sovereignty] should not be used as a
way to categorically ban either prolife or pro-choice groups.” Such a

connection would likely be controversial and unpopular on campus.
But why would it be illegitimate? We
have to start providing the other
side with some answers, not just
telling them to shut up.
As an editor with nearly three
years of experience with The
Daily and having seen the paper
go through some nasty political
scraps, I have found our handling of
this issue especially disappointing.
We usually find ourselves strongly
on one side of an issue, not, as we
are now, standing in a position of
political moderation, lecturing the
fringes. Dailyites know better than
anybody that there is nothing more
stifling or frustrating in political discourse than coming up against the
blank, indifferent wall of majority
opinion. Yet as soon as The Daily
has found itself in a moderate position, we’ve engaged in the exact
same tactics that we always rail
against.
I did not write this article with
the intention of advocating a ban of
pro-life groups. I’m writing because
I feel that regardless of the issues,
my paper has engaged in institutional cowardice. The Daily’s moderate position may be tenable – but
we have yet to justify it. We all know
that abortion is a political minefield, and the easiest thing to do
in debates surrounding it is to disengage or play the middle ground.
But if students on campus are saying, loudly and clearly, that they
feel they are being endangered and
that marginalized groups are being
discriminated against, we’d better
have some pretty serious answers
for them if we’re not going to back
them up.
Our response to this issue is not
only a matter of abortion politics, it’s

a matter of rhetorical domination
and political suppression. The antiChoose Lifers are advocating a marginalized and apparently unpopular opinion. By glossing over their
concerns and failing to respond
to the questions they have raised,
The Daily has not only disagreed
with them, we’ve silenced them.
Although The Daily often advocates
for marginalized groups, we occupy
a position of considerable power on
campus. It’s absolutely crucial that
we don’t use this position to rob
the less powerful of their dissenting voices by not entering into dialogue with their concerns. Maddie
Ritts, who wrote the GA motion
with Olson-Mayes, told me that she
found The Daily’s impact on the
discourse around pro-life groups
this year “really scary.”
Having spent close to 40 hours
a week with them since the beginning of the year, I can’t overstate my
respect for this year’s editorial staff.
But I do feel that in this instance,
we’ve behaved irresponsibly and
ignored the effects of our actions.
I hope the anti-Choose Lifers continue to make their voices heard
in our paper, and I hope that when
they do, we as an editorial board
will have the courage to engage
with them. I can’t help but feel that
doing so would make us change our
position. At the very least, though,
we have to stop making members
of our paper feel like they’re yelling
at a wall.

Ian Beattie is a U2 English literature student. He’s also one of The
Daily’s Culture editors. Engage with
his views in a way that doesn’t
marginalize or silence them at ian.
beattie@mail.mcgill.ca.

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                    <text>10News

The McGill Daily, Monday, April 12, 2010

THINGS THAT MATTERED

The abortion debate in context
After a year of controversy, Choose Life will re-chart its course for the coming year. The Daily’s
Stephen Davis reflects on what we have learned from the club, the debate, and dialogue.

I

n 1987, Harper’s published an
article by a writer named Sally
Tisdale, who had worked as a
nurse in an abortion clinic. Tisdale
explained how, “In abortion, the
absolute must always be tempered
by the contextual.” There are no
absolute answers to the moral
question of abortion, she argued,
because our values should always
be contingent on context.
For the large part of this year,
McGill’s fledgling pro-life group,
Choose Life, has opted to deal
in moral absolutes, rather than
acknowledging the lived experiences of the students around them.
And this might be why they haven’t
accomplished much of what they
set out to do.
Their moral absolutes led them
to pursue shock tactics – forget the
individual women, they seem to be
saying, there is a greater truth here:
abortion is killing, killing is wrong,
and we will do whatever it takes to
spread these truths.
After a year clouded in controversy, they’ve re-plotted their
course. But it remains to be seen
where next year will lead.

The club’s history: digest version
Choose Life gained interim
club status in October 2008. And
after holding some successful
events and jumping through a few
administrative hoops, they gained
official club status at a Council
meeting in February 2009. Official
club status comes with certain
privileges, including the ability to
book rooms and set up displays
on campus.
Students were anxious and frustrated. At the October Council meeting, a
student called the pro-life perspective
“inherently violent against women and
against human rights.” The February
meeting was the most well-attended
Council session in almost a year.
The anxieties expressed at Council
did not go unaddressed. The group
was subject to certain restrictions,
including a prohibition on the use of
graphic imagery.
In the lead-up to gaining official status, the group had proven itself to be
a polarizing force on campus. Despite
the restrictions on imagery, they
tabled at the crossroads with pictures
of fetal development in November
2008. Then they invited Mary Meehan,
a speaker who compared abortion to
eugenics. The audience in the room
was literally divided, with pro-lifers on
one side and Choose Life’s opponents
on the other.
In September 2009, the club
hosted the Silent No More Awareness
campaign. Demonstrators stood on
campus with signs reading “I Regret
My Abortion” – actions which some
criticized as intentionally targeting women who’ve had abortions
to make them feel ashamed. Fliers

handed out at the event made the
dubious assertion that there is a link
between abortion and breast cancer.
Things became tense on campus,
but Choose Life pushed forward. In
October, they invited a speaker who
compares the language used to justify abortion to the language that has
been used to justify genocide. The
Students’ Society censured the event,
fearing it would create a hostile environment on campus.
Choose Life went ahead with
the event. Student protesters shut it
down. Police escorted two protesters
out in handcuffs. At a Senate meeting,
Principal Heather Munroe-Blum said
the protests had cast a “dark cloud”
over campus by trying to censor the
group.
Soon after, SSMU Council voted
to suspend Choose Life’s club status.
Over the coming months, members
of the club’s executive met with the
Society’s Equity Committee to discuss how Choose Life could conform to the Society’s Equity Policy.
This document binds the Society to
“Creating, promoting, and engaging
its membership in an environment
that fosters respect.” After a few meetings and agreements on new restrictions for the group, a vote at Council
in early April reinstated Choose Life
as an official SSMU club.

The promise of dialogue
When you speak with Choose
Life president Natalie Fohl, she
talks about a lot of things – women’s rights, Canadian law, and freedom of speech.
But more than anything else,
Fohl’s preferred topic is dialogue.
I’ve interviewed her several times
this year – after the group’s first
event of the year, in the lead-up
to their suspension, and following
Choose Life’s reinstatement.
At the Silent No More event,
three speakers – two women and
one man – shared stories of how
abortion affected their lives.
Afterward, when protesters had
packed up their signs and guitars
and left, Fohl told me that the
event was “a great opportunity for
dialogue.”
In January, Fohl was tabling at the
crossroads and speaking with students about abortion. Her club was
still suspended, so she wasn’t allowed
to be tabling under the name Choose
Life. But she contacted Conservative
McGill, and they booked a table under
their name. Late in the day, someone
came along and flipped over Fohl’s
table. But she was optimistic, and
said that Choose Life, as always, was
“here to raise awareness but also to
promote discussion.”
And recently, with her club’s status reinstated, she said “We do try
and have a variety of events to make
sure that a lot of different people are
engaged in...dialogue.”

Victor Tangermann | The McGill Daily

Rebecca Dooley at SSMU Council, where Choose Life’s status was reinstated in April.
Fohl’s professed love for dialogue is bizarre, since for a brief
period this year, it seemed that
Choose Life’s tactics had destroyed
any hope of a meaningful discussion
of reproductive rights on campus.
When you confront a woman with a
sign reading, “I regret my abortion,”
for instance, you cannot expect students to eagerly engage in dialogue.
Fohl seems to have realized this.
Her plans for the club have shifted
away from inviting incendiary speakers and toward research and activism.
She explained that future initiatives would include a research group
that will assess the resources available
for parents and pregnant students at
McGill.
“We’re going to compile that information, [first] to make it available, but
also to assess the situation, see if it’s
adequate, and, if it’s not, advocate for
changes,” Fohl said.
After a rocky year, she seems
more aware than ever that pregnancy
is a particularly weighty issue for students, one that the administration
fails to address.
“If I were to get pregnant, randomly, unexpectedly...that would be my
school career, all of my plans, out the
window. And I don’t think that needs
to be the case.... The University structure should be set up to accommodate that and make it so that women
don’t have to choose between their
studies and their child’s life,” Fohl
said.
She didn’t mention any concrete
plans Choose Life has to accomplish
these goals – and they have their reputation working against them. Their
rhetoric earlier this year was divisive
– not the kind of talk that encourages

students to get involved with any sort
of grassroots initiative advocating for
pregnant students. Through their
actions – their signs, their underhanded tactics, their shock tactics
– Choose Life has alienated the very
people they want to advocate for.

A look ahead
I recently read a Maisonneuve
article in which the pseudonymous
author wrote about her own abortion. She mentions Tisdale’s piece,
and toward the end, she quotes
British writer Fay Weldon:
“Abortion is sometimes necessary, sometimes not, always sad. It is
to the woman as war is to the man
– a living sacrifice in a cause justified or not justified, as the observer
may decide. It is the making of hard
decisions – that this one must die
so that one can live in honor and
decency and comfort. Women have
no leaders, of course; a woman’s
conscience must be her General.
There are no stirring songs to make
the task of killing easier, no victory marches and medals handed
around afterwards, merely a sense
of loss.”
The Maisonneuve writer goes
on to say that women who choose
to obtain abortions open up an
aftermath that they must face alone.
So far, Choose Life has only made
the situation worse, reinforcing
the view that abortion is absolutely
wrong, but the factors that compel
women to make that choice aren’t
worth challenging.
After Council voted to impose
new restrictions on Choose Life,
Fohl accused the Society of applying a double standard. Choose Life
is the only club on campus that

must abide by such stringent guidelines, she said. This is true. But no
other club on campus deals with
issues with as much potential to
alienate students as abortion. As VP
(University Affairs) Rebecca Dooley
said after the vote, “You can’t talk
about this issue and not talk about
women’s bodies. You can’t talk
about this issue and not talk about
a difficult experience.”
Choose Life VP (Internal) Paul
Cernek told me that, “We have the
best interests of everyone at heart,
including women.” If this is true,
Choose Life should acknowledge
that women who choose to end their
pregnancies do so for reasons that a
campus club could actively combat.
They must focus less on the how of
abortion – the surgical procedures,
the gory details – and more on the
why: those factors that compel a
woman to seek an abortion.
If women are ending pregnancies
because they must choose between
a child and paying rent, the group
could campaign for improved access
to social housing. Or they could
advocate for McGill post-doctoral
students to receive benefits like
subsidized child-care or paid maternity leave. Currently, maternity leave
is negotiated with the post-doc’s
supervisor. And then there’s contraception and sex education, both of
which are lacking across the country
and around the world.
As a SSMU club, they stand to
benefit from the funds that the
Society collects from its members
(all undergrads and law students).
Choose Life owes students more. If
they are as concerned about women’s welfare as they claim to be,
they need to prove it next year.

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                    <text>10 Features

A threat to choice
Darrah Teitel explores the larger implications of the abortion debate on campus

U

ntil 1969, the leading cause of hospitalization and death for Canadian women under
the age of 30 was botched self-induced abortions, and today, the lack of safe, legal abortions continues to claim lives. According to the World Health
Organization, 70,000 women die worldwide every
year because of self-induced abortions. The Lancet’s
study “Unsafe abortion: The preventable pandemic,”
demonstrated that most of the women affected in
Canada and the U.S. live in rural areas or are poor,
immigrants, or aboriginals. The laws that protect the
right to choose protect bodies, not political ideologies. This is not a philosophical debate or a matter of
opinion. So long as people are dying, this is an issue
of safety and public health.
Judy Rebick, a matriarch of Canadian feminism,
is not surprised that young women are taking their
reproductive rights for granted: “We got the first
Morgentaler clinic open in 1981 and they didn’t
change the law until 1989. In ‘69 you could only get
a safe abortion if the doctor wrote a note saying your
life was in danger. So you basically had to convince
a man you were ready to kill yourself. Of course this
was really classist and racist as well, because most
poor women weren’t connected to the right doctors.
So women were dying all the time or being forced
to bear unwanted, vulnerable children. I don’t think
young women realize what a long and painful battle
it was. I’m worried because we, who remember, will
be gone soon and young women are not aware or
active.”

L

ast winter amidst a flurry of free speech rhetoric,
SSMU councillors gave full club status to an antiabortion activist group called Choose Life. The group
aims to reignite the debate around women’s reproductive rights, to convince women not to have abortions,
and to help the powerful anti-abortion lobby groups,
who are their affiliates, gain legitimacy. Choose Life’s
status seemed to have been granted in the absence of
any real research into the club or the organizations
that fund it, neglecting the fact that Choose Life is a
part of an aggressive movement that threatens female
reproductive rights in Canada.
The club’s mandate and tactics also threaten student safety. On October 2, 2008, when it was decided
to grant Choose Life interim club status, several students came forth and implored SSMU to reconsider.
One woman said from the gallery: “This is a club
which wants to spread ideas on campus that make
me feel unsafe.” Perhaps because they were afraid
to address this significant point, or perhaps because
they were running out of time, no councillor paid
heed to what the members of the gallery were saying,
although 2008-09 VP External Devin Alfaro did offer
this promise: “If something like that happens, we will
act quickly to shut that down. There is a place of discussion, but if anything happens that interferes with
students’ space, we know it is unacceptable.”
During Choose Life’s three-month probationary period as an interim club, three equity complaints were issued against it. These complaints were
addressed and brushed aside during the Council

meeting on February 12 as SSMU granted Choose Life
full-club status. No other probationary club has had
three equity complaints brought against it and still
managed to successfully obtain full-club status.
The remainder of this meeting focused on whether the club had fulfilled its constitutional requirements and the fact that SSMU has no right to discriminate against a club based on ideology. There is no
document that mandates SSMU to treat all ideologies
equally, but there is a document that mandates SSMU
to be anti-oppressive and to maintain an environment
of respect and safety for students. Choose Life’s proliferation of graphic images of fetuses compromises the
campus as a safe space for students, and specifically
targets pregnant women. A uterus is not public space,
and to see it used as a site for a political or philosophical debate makes many women feel harassed.
Behind SSMU’s preferential treatment is the misguided assertion that Choose Life is just another
club. Behind this assertion is a subconscious desire
to normalize and de-politicize a historic struggle for
reproductive freedom. It is easy for privileged “postfeminist” young people to behave condescendingly
toward activists who, they might feel, are hyperbolizing their sentiments for the sake of left-wing politics. However, their concerns are hardly hyperbolic:
female reproductive rights are more vulnerable than
many realize.

T

hree clicks away from Choose Life’s web site is a
group called REAL Women. They call themselves

�The McGill Daily, Monday, October 5, 2009

11

Art and photos by Whitney Mallett / The McGill Daily

an alternative women’s movement and their enemies
are homosexuality, feminism, and abortion. REAL
Women is one of the most powerful federal and provincial lobby groups in Canada. Due to their influence (millions of dollars’ worth of donations from
REAL Women’s members go to the Conservative
Party of Canada), Stephen Harper slashed 43 per
cent of the operating budget of the Status of Women
Canada (a federal government organization that promotes gender equality), in his first months in power.
As a direct result, feminists and pro-choice organizations are barely staying afloat. Harper knows that the
fight against abortion cannot be won in the Supreme
Court, but that it can be crippled by misogynist policy.
Abortion clinics have been closing, and hospitals that once performed abortions no longer do.
According to the federal study “Reality Check” conducted last year by Canadians for Choice, women’s
access to the abortion procedure is steadily on the
decline. The province of New Brunswick will only
allow abortions to be performed in a hospital if two
doctors deem it necessary, and in Prince Edward
Island, abortions are not performed at all. Nearly all
Canadian abortion clinics are within 150 kilometres
of the American border, leaving most rural Canadian
women without reasonable access.
When you type any word into a search engine
pertaining to abortion, pregnancy, or pro-choice in
Canada, the first ten pages that come up are carefully disguised anti-abortion propaganda because

incredibly wealthy, international right-wing religious
groups have purchased the right to dominate Google.
Choose Life is not independent. It exists in the context of something much larger.
By continuing to allow Choose Life to exist on
campus, SSMU is complicit with this larger movement that aims to limit women’s reproductive rights –
their choice to be apolitical has political implications.
Instead of worrying about ideological relativism, they
should take constructive action.

J

eanette Ducet is the Executive Chair of Planned
Parenthood Canada, an organization that receives
absolutely no government funding. She talked to me
about why abortion rights are so easily eroded in
Canada: “It’s because abortion was decriminalized,
but not granted as a right, so this left a legal vacuum
that can be filled with small bits of anti-abortion legislation.”
Ducet was one of two women who debated a notorious anti-abortion preacher from the Canadian Centre
for Bioethical Reform named Jose Ruba last year at
Carleton University. When Choose Life announced
that it would be hosting a debate with Ruba at McGill
entitled “Echoes of The Holocaust,”
Two weeks after this “debate,” Ducet learned that
Carleton University revoked their pro-life club’s status. This angered Ducet because she felt that members of the student body who had invited her to
debate knew in advance the kind of harassment she
and the other women in the room would bear. She

believes that they wanted the outrageous event to
occur so that they would have an excuse to get rid of
their anti-abortion club.

A

t last Thursday’s SSMU council meeting, a
motion was passed by overwhelming majority to censure Choose Life’s event “Echoes of The
Holocaust.” While it is a shame that it required an
invocation of the Holocaust for SSMU to realize
that they have an obligation to protect students
from offensive material, it’s fortunate that students
at McGill were not subjected to the offensive event
Ducet regrettably described.
Councillor Sarah Woolf made the most sense in
Thursday’s debate when she stated that Choose Life
directly violates SSMU’s own equity policy and that
SSMU, being beholden to that policy, has no choice
but to condemn the club’s event. In fact, SSMU was
beholden to their equity policy when they created
the club. The club should never have been allowed
to exist in the first place. In any case, SSMU has
now backed itself in to a corner where the only safe
recourse will be to revoke the club’s official status.

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                    <text>12Commentary

The McGill Daily, Monday, February 8, 2010

HYDE PARK

Conservative McGill doth protest too much
QPIRG opt-out campaign is hypocritical
Sebastian Ronderos-Morgan

T

he QPIRG opt-out campaign
led by Conservative McGill
and other campus organizations premises itself on a load of
BS. It’s motivated by a disingenuous and vindictive logic and lacks
the self-awareness to realize its own
contradiction.
If only the pro-opt-outers
weren’t too thick to realize that
QPIRG is in fact a lot like SSMU.
(Full disclosure: I am a SSMU executive.) QPIRG levies a fee from students, much like SSMU does, and
then QPIRG allocates the money,
in line with its policies, to different
groups according to their needs
and in the interest of diversifying
student expression. SSMU does
exactly the same thing.
Many people argue that QPIRG
funds a number of fringe groups
that people don’t know about
and that are too radical for their
moderate or right-wing tastes.
Again, through the Club Fund,
the Campus Life Fund, and other
means, SSMU (read: student
money) funds a wide variety of
groups, many of which are also
seen, by some, as fringe and radical. The fact is that SSMU and
QPIRG fund both uncontentious
groups (although Campus Crops
has always raised my ire) and
groups that are both contentious

and don’t appeal to everyone.
What more do you want out of student life? A university is a venue
for diverse expression, as long as
it is safe.
Brendan Steven’s ignorant
column (“Opting out of QPIRG,”
McGill Tribune, January 26) suggested that student groups should
only receive money from students
if they fundraise it themselves in
hallways and on the streets. Now
let’s apply that argument to his
own Conservative McGill. This
holier-than-thou club has been
granted $750 of student money this
academic year alone. They should
give themselves a dose of their
own medicine: they should spend
days running around campus canvassing disinterested McGillians
to give them a buck here and
there. In order for Steven to avoid
contradiction, I’d like to see cadres of blue-in-the face Harperites
scampering around campus with
buckets asking for money. What
about bake sales with blue cookies
that say “tax cuts” on them? How
much time would their club members waste trying to raise money
instead of engaging in activities
that actually accentuate student
life? Too bad all they seem to do
with their time and their money is
undermine groups like the Global
AIDS Coalition’s access to funding.
If Conservative McGill and their

I don’t see Conservative McGill begging for funds.
allies are so damn incensed by the
fact that students pay relatively small
amounts of money to organizations
that, later, redistribute smaller fractions of that sum to some groups
that may not appeal to all students,
then maybe they should put more
effort into an “Opt-out of SSMU”
campaign. Too bad you can’t opt-out
of SSMU. After all, full-time students
pay approximately $40 per semester
to SSMU, money that is spread out

Sally Lin | The McGill Daily

to a diversity of groups. Or maybe
Conservative McGill has enjoyed the
$750 SSMU (read: your student fees)
granted it to finance its campaign
against student life, among other
activities. (By the way, they’ve also
flagrantly violated SSMU Council’s
supermajority decision to suspend
Choose Life’s club privileges by providing a table for the group at the Y
intersection.)
I wish none of my money went

to Conservative McGill, but it
just so happens that in the interest of student life, pluralism,
and their club’s budget, I pay my
fees. Shame on you, Conservative
McGill!

of having an abortion regardless of
personal circumstances. Personal
circumstances are the only grounds
for deciding what to do with an
unexpected pregnancy.
Our logic: Pro-life groups are
necessarily opposed to abortion.
Opposition to abortion necessarily consists of restricting women’s
access to abortion services. By
restricting access to abortion services, a woman’s right to decide
what is best for her own body is
compromised. This compromise
affects more than morality: it affects
a person’s health and life.
We believe that any ban on
abortion targets women who do
not participate in their properly
gendered positions as mothers.
Throughout much anti-abortion
dialogue, women who seek abortions are presented as uninformed
or immoral figures who are going
against their natural roles as

women, as mothers-to-be, to give
birth and reproduce “life.” This
poses serious limits to a woman’s
understanding of her own sexuality
and her ability to have sex outside
of heteronormative, monogamous,
and economically stable relationships.
Pro-life groups aim not to help
women make a choice, but to
promote and ultimately establish
conditions wherein women are
not free to have sex on their own
terms, to retain sexual control over
their bodies. This motion seeks a
stance where women’s health is
not brought under public scrutiny:
protecting, not forfeiting dignity.

Sebastian Ronderos-Morgan is
SSMU VP (External), but the views
expressed here are his own. Bash
Conservatives with him at external@ssmu.mcgill.ca.

HYDE PARK

Against pro-life groups
Anti-abortion organizations have no place on campus
Liam Olson-Mayes &amp; Maddie Ritts

A

s co-authors of the GA
motion re: discriminatory
groups, we feel obliged to
respond to resistance to our motion,
which has crept up through The
Daily and in heated conversations
across McGill. The argument with
which we are often first confronted,
articulated most recently by Braden
Goyette in her article “Stay classy,
pro-choice crowd” (Commentary,
February 4), waves a disapproving
finger and accuses us of “encouraging” Choose Life. If only we had let
this club run its pro-life course, they
would have recognized the apathy
as a sign of the futility of their position.
The problem with this logic is
that it requires that we, in addition to ignoring Choose Life, turn a
blind eye to the harms that Choose

Life’s existence perpetrates, and
disregard the precarious position in
which access to abortion is currently situated. By not confronting those
who seek to restrict access to abortion services, we would be further
legitimizing the abysmal accessibility of abortion services in northern
and rural communities. To expand
on the idea that the very existence
of Choose Life or any other pro-life’s
group existence harms women, we
thought a few definitions might be
helpful.
We define pro-life groups by their
opposition to the accessibility of
abortion services. We respect individual choice regarding abortion.
We do not respect any organization,
movement, or individual who tries
to impose their decision regarding abortion on other people. We
are not against people who believe
abortion is the wrong choice for
themselves; we are against people

who believe abortion is the wrong
choice for everybody. Abortion is
an individual decision. By advocating against pro-life ideology, we are
protecting each individual’s right to
do what they will with their body
and their right to feel supported
and not judged by whatever decision they make in the end.
We understand the following to
be tactics used by those opposed
to abortions: the criminalization of
abortion; disseminating false health
information; shaming women who
enter abortion clinics; exploiting
post-abortive women and simplifying their experiences as a way
to manipulate women dealing
with unwanted pregnancies; publicly casting abortion as immoral.
By making public statements or
mounting public displays decrying
the immorality of abortion, women
are presented with a moral judgment that tries to coerce them out

www.mcgilldaily.com

Liam Olson-Mayes is a U2 Women’s
Studies and History student and
Maddie Ritts is a U3 Cultural Studies
and Political Theory student. Write
them at liam.olson-mayes@mail.
mcgill.ca.

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                    <text>Nouvelles
nouvelles@delitfrancais.com

CAMPUS

Quelles limites à la tolérance?

Suite à la polémique causée par les activités du groupe Choose life survenue il y a deux semaines, le professeur
Morton J. Mendelson s’est joint à une table ronde pour discuter avec l’AÉUM sur la régulation des activités
étudiantes sur le campus.
Alexandre Ruiz de Porras Guédon

Le Délit

L

e jeudi 8 octobre dernier,
l’Association des étudiants
de l’Université McGill
(AÉUM) a tenu une table ronde
pour discuter des critères déterminant si un événement peut
avoir lieu ou non sur le campus,
suite à une conférence controversée organisée par le club étudiant
anti-avortement Choose Life.
Le groupe avait suscité la
polémique début octobre en annonçant une conférence donnée
par José Ruba, co-fondateur du

Centre canadien pour la réforme
bio-éthique, intitulée «Échos de
l’Holocauste». Au cours de sa présentation, M. Ruba a comparé la
pratique de l’avortement au génocide perpétré par les Nazis pendant
la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
La conférence devait avoir
lieu dans les locaux de l’AÉUM,
mais elle fut censurée lors de la
réunion bimensuelle du Conseil
législatif de celui-ci le 1er octobre dernier. La motion de censure
a été votée en réaction à ce que
l’AÉUM craignait être un événement qui violerait sa Constitution
et sa politique d’éthique.
Faisant ﬁ de ladite motion,
le club Choose Life a quand même

décidé d’organiser la conférence
dans un local étant hors de la jurisdiction de l’AÉUM, dans le bâtiment Leacock, à la même date et
heure et montrant le même contenu que prévus. En pleine conférence, l’AÉUM a sommé les organisateurs de clore l’événement et a
fait appel à l’administration pour
tenter d’y mettre ﬁn. Cependant,
l’administration a décidé de laisser libre-cours à la conférence.
Le professeur Morton J.
Mendelson, vice-principal exécutif adjoint à la vie étudiante et
à l’apprentissage de l’Université
McGill, a le dernier mot sur les
événements qui se tiennent sur le
campus. C’est pour cela qu’il a été
invité à discuter avec les étudiants
sur les «limites du tolérable».
M. Mendelson a cependant
dit ne «pas savoir où est la limite»
raisonnable et acceptable pour un
événement étudiant de ce genre,
laissant aux étudiants le soin d’exprimer leurs points de vue sur la
question. «Lorsque je n’ai pas la

réponse, je consulte les autres»,
a-t-il fait savoir. Il a également
tenu à préciser que «les limites
sont vagues» et que «l’Université
est apolitique, séculaire et ne suit
pas une ligne idéologique, mais
[comprend] que certains étudiants
veuillent s’exprimer sur [des] sujets» tels que l’avortement.
Dans cette perspective d’expression des opinions divergentes,
Mohammed Ashour, étudiant à la
maîtrise en neuroscience, a lancé
qu’«il ne devrait pas y avoir de
place pour la propagande sur le
campus, mais plutôt pour un dialogue». Il a ajouté que «la polémique peut parfois être une bonne
chose, mais qu’il ne faut pas mélanger l’émotionnel au rationnel».
Sarah Woolf, sénatrice de la
faculté des arts et conseillère de
l’AÉUM, a jugé qu’«il n’y avait pas
de place pour le dialogue [lors de
la conférence du club Choose Life]»
et s’est dite «profondément déçue
par la façon dont l’administration
a géré l’affaire». M. Mendelson

a répondu qu’il n’y «avait pas de
place pour le dialogue puisqu’il
y avait des perturbateurs qui
empêchaient le déroulement de
l’événement». Il a déclaré partir
du principe que la présence à la
conférence était laissée à la discrétion de chacun.
Corey Omer, conseiller de
l’AÉUM pour les clubs et services,
a dit souhaiter une «plus grande
régulation» des activités et événements ayant lieu sur le campus.
Il a noté que, bien que «la limite
soit, au ﬁnal, subjective, une limite devrait être ﬁxée, tout en
respectant la politique d’éthique»
de l’AÉUM. À la ﬁn de cette table
ronde, l’AÉUM est revenue à son
point de départ, n’ayant pas su
prendre le toreau par les cornes et
aborder directement la question
qui faisait polémique.
Le club Choose Life n’a pour
l’instant subi aucune «sanction»
depuis. Le débat sur la liberté
d’expression et la liberté de rassemblement est relancé.x

POLITIQUE MUNICIPALE

Ivan Neilson, Sarah Olle et Morton Mendelson parlent aux étudiants
Alexandre Ruiz de Porras Guédon

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SainteHélène, le Stade olympique: tous sont des réalisations des
années 1960 qui ont fortement
contribué à former l’identité de
Montréal. Mais le désastre ﬁnancier du stade –un milliard et
demi de dollars remboursés sur
plus de trente ans– nous rappelle
constamment les dérapages que
peut occasionner un projet visionnaire teinté de mégalomanie. C’est
d’ailleurs pourquoi Montréal
n’a pas été le théâtre de ce genre
de projets depuis au moins une
quarantaine d’années. Par contre,
cette campagne électorale municipale montre que les partis font
preuve d’audace et recommencent
à proposer des projets qui sortent
du train-train quotidien.
Pour commencer, les trois
principaux partis que sont Projet
Montréal, mené par Richard
Bergeron, Vision Montréal, avec
Louise Harel en chef de ﬁle, et
Union Montréal, la formation du
maire sortant Gérald Tremblay, se
rejoignent sur certains points. Tous
s’entendent sur la nécessité de
démolir l’autoroute Bonaventure
pour mieux l’intégrer au centre-ville. De plus, tous prévoient

des célébrations en 2017 pour le
375e anniversaire de fondation de
Montréal. Voyons maintenant les
propositions originales de chacun
des partis.
Vision Montréal propose de
mettre en candidature Montréal
pour l’obtention de l’Exposition
universelle de 2020. Louise Harel
argumente que ce projet permettrait à Montréal de se positionner
en véritable métropole de calibre
international et contribuerait à
sa relance économique. Elle promet aussi de recouvrir l’autoroute
Ville-Marie, entre le Palais des
congrès et le pont Jacques-Cartier.
Selon Louise Harel, c’est l’endroit
rêvé pour recevoir les deux manifestations majeures que seraient le
375e anniversaire de Montréal et
l’Exposition universelle de 2020.
Union Montréal est moins
grandiose dans ses promesses.
L’équipe de Gérald Tremblay propose plutôt de continuer à investir
dans le Quartier des spectacles.
À terme en 2012, tout le quadrilatère qui entoure la Place des
Arts sera réaménagé en parcs et
en promenades pour rendre plus
propice la tenue des nombreux
festivals annuels qu’accueille ce
secteur. Union Montréal prévoit
également d’investir dans un projet nommé «Muséums nature».
La pièce maîtresse de ce plan sera
la construction d’un nouveau

Planétarium situé entre le Stade
olympique, le Biodôme et le centre Jean-Pierre Charbonneau.
Finalement, Projet Montréal
innove avec son projet d’entrée
maritime de Montréal. L’objectif
est de redonner aux Montréalais
l’accès aux berges du SaintLaurent. Le terrain visé est délimité
à l’ouest par le bâtiment Molson,
passe en dessous du pont JacquesCartier, et mesure 2,5 kilomètres
de long. Richard Bergeron prévoit
d’y aménager un ensemble immobilier composé d’habitations,
de bureaux, de restaurants ainsi
qu’une promenade qui longerait le ﬂeuve. De plus, toujours
pour le projet d’entrée maritime,
M. Bergeron entend proposer la
pointe nord de l’île Sainte-Hélène
à un investissement privé majeur.
L’urbaniste de formation considère l’endroit comme le plus beau
site de Montréal et rêve d’y voir
s’ériger une construction de l’envergure de l’Opéra de Sydney en
Australie.
Bref, tous les partis proposent
des idées originales pour faire
rayonner Montréal. Cela signiﬁe
donc que peu importe l’issue du
scrutin, les Montréalais se retrouveront avec des dirigeants qui ne
semblent plus être effrayés par les
fantômes du passé. Une perspective réjouissante? À vous de décider le 1er novembre prochain.x

xle délit · le mardi 20 octobre 2009 · delitfrancais.com

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